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The confession of James Knowd.

These generalities coming immediately from the report of Tyrone himself, are drawn to more particularity in a conference had between the lord FitzMorrice, baron of Liksnaw in Munster, and one Thomas Wood, a person well reputed of, immediately after Essex coming into England. In which conference Fitz-Morrice declared unto Wood, that Tyrone had written to the traitorous titulary earl of Desmond to inform him, that the condition of that contract between Tyrone and Essex was, That Essex should be king of England; and that Tyrone should hold of him the honour and state of viceroy of Ireland; and that the proportion of soldiers which Tyrone should bring or send to Essex, were 8000 Irish. With which concurreth fully the testimony of the same James Knowd, who, being in credit with Owny Mac Roory, chief of the Omoores in Lemster, was used as a secretary for him, in the writing of a letter to Tyrone, immediately after Essex coming into England. The effect of which letter was, To understand some light of the secret agreement between the earl of Essex and Tyrone, that he the said Owny might frame his course accordingly. Which letter, with farther instructions to the same effect, was, in the presence of Knowd, delivered to Turlagh Macdauy, a man of trust with Owny, who brought an answer from Tyrone; the contents whereof were, That the earl of Essex had agreed to take his part, and that they should aid him towards the conquest of England. Besides, very certain it is, and testified by divers credible persons, that Hetherington, immediately upon this parley, there James Knowd, did fly abroad, as sparkles of this fire, which it did not concern Tyrone so much to keep secret, as it did Essex, a general and received opinion, that went up and down in the mouths both of the better and meaner sort of rebels; That the earl of Essex was theirs, and they his; and that he would never leave the one sword, meaning that of Ireland, till he had gotten the other in England; and that he would bring them to serve, where they should have other manner of booties than cows; and the like speeches. And Thomas Lee himself, who had been, as was before declared, with Tyrone two or three days, upon my lord's sending, and had sounded him, hath left it confessed under his hand; That he knew the earl of Essex and Tyrone to be one, and to run the same courses.

The declarations of Daniel

and others.

Confession of Thomas Lee.

And certain it is also, that immediately upon that parley, Tyrone grew into a strange and unwonted pride, and appointed his progresses and visitations to receive congratulations and homages from his confederates, and behaved himself in all things as one that had some new spirit of hope and courage put into him.

But on the earl of Essex his part ensued immediately after this parley a strange motion and project, which though no doubt he had harboured in his breast before; yet, for any thing yet appeareth, he did not utter and break with any in it, before he had been confirmed and fortified in his purpose, by the combination and correspondence which he found

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| in Tyrone upon their conference. Neither is this a matter gathered out of reports, but confessed directly by two of his principal Southampton friends and associates, being witnesses and Sir Christopher Blunt. upon their own knowledge, and of that The substance which was spoken to themselves: the of that which substance of which confession is this; by Southamp ton and Blunt, That a little before my lord's coming touching Es over into England, at the castle of sex's purpose Dublin, where Sir Christopher Blunt ported into lay hurt, having been lately removed England the thither from Rheban, a castle of land, and the changing of Thomas Lee's, and placed in a lodging that design inthat had been my lord of Southamp- to the other design of sur. ton's: the earl of Essex took the earl prising the of Southampton with him to visit queen and the Blunt, and there being none present but they three, my lord of Essex told them, he found it now necessary for him to go into England, and would advise with them of the manner of his going, since to go he was resolved. And thereupon propounded unto them, that he thought it fit to carry with him of the army in Ireland as much as he could conveniently transport, at least the choice of it, to the number of two or three thousand, to secure and make good his first descent on shore, purposing to land them at Milford-Haven in Wales, or thereabouts not doubting, but that his army would so increase within a small time, by such as would come in to him, as he should be able to march with his power to London, and make his own conditions as he thought good. But both Southampton and Blunt dissuaded him from this enterprise; Blunt alleging the hazard of it, and that it would make him odious: and Southampton utterly disliking that course, upon the same and many other reasons. Howbeit, thereupon Blunt advised him rather to another course, which was to draw forth of the army some 200 resolute gentlemen, and with those to come over, and so to make sure of the court, and so to make his own conditions. Which confessions it is not amiss to deliver, by what a good providence of God they came to light for they could not be used at Essex's arraignment to charge him, because they were uttered after his death.

The speech of Sir Christopher Blunt at ment, and the falling into the aforesaid con

his arraign

occasion of the

fessions.

But Sir Christopher Blunt at his arraignment, being charged that the earl of Essex had set it down under his hand, that he had been a principal instigator of him to his treasons, in passion brake forth into these speeches: That then he must be forced to disclose what farther matters he had held my lord from, and desired for that purpose, because the present proceeding should not be interrupted, to speak with the lord Admiral, and Mr. Secretary after his arraignment, and so fell most naturally and most voluntarily into this his confession, which, if it had been thought fit to have required of him at that time publicly, he had delivered before his conviction. And the same confession he did after, at the time of his execution, constantly and fully confirm, discourse particularly, and take upon his death, where never any man showed less fear, nor a greater resolution to die.

And the same matter so by him confessed, was | should have been displanted, and the country abanlikewise confessed with the same circumstances of doned to the rebels. time and place by Southampton, being severally examined thereupon.

So as now the world may see how long since my lord put off his vizard, and disclosed the secrets of his heart to two of his most confident friends, falling upon that unnatural and detestable treason, whereunto all his former actions in his government in Ireland, and God knows how long before, were but introductions.

The place of general of the horse in the land was conferred by Essex upon

army of Ire

contrary to

mandment.

But finding that these two persons, which of all the rest he thought to have found forwardest, Southampton, whose displacing he had made his own discontentment, having placed him, no Southampton, question to that end, to find cause of her Majesty's discontentment, and Blunt, a man so express com- enterprising and prodigal of his own life, as himself termed himself at the bar, did not applaud to this his purpose, and thereby doubting how coldly he should find others minded, that were not so near to him; and therefore condescending to Blunt's advice to surprise the court, he did pursue that plot accordingly, and came over with a selected company of captains and voluntaries, and such as he thought were most affectionate unto himself, and most resolute, though not knowing of his purpose. So as even at that time every man noted and wondered what the matter should be, that my lord took his most particular friends and followers from their companies, which were countenance and means unto them, to bring them over. But his purpose, as in part was touched before, was this; that if he held his greatness in court, and were not committed, which, in regard of the miserable and deplored state he left Ireland in, whereby he thought the opinion here would be that his service could not be spared, he made full account he should not be, then, at the first opportunity, he would execute the surprise of her Majesty's person. And if he were committed to the Tower, or to prison, for his contempts, for, besides his other contempts, he came over expressly against the queen's prohibition under her signet, it might be the care of some of his principal friends, by the help of that choice and resolute company which he brought over, to rescue him.

But the pretext of his coming over was, by the efficacy of his own presence and persuasion to have moved and drawn her Majesty to accept of such conditions of peace as he had treated of with Tyrone in his private conference; which was indeed somewhat needful, the principal article of them being, That there should be a general restitution of rebels in Ireland to all their lands and possessions, that they could pretend any right to before their going out into rebellion, without reservation of such lands as were by act of parliament passed to the crown, and so planted with English, both in the time of queen Mary, and since; and without difference either of time of their going forth, or nature of their offence, or other circumstance: tending in effect to this, that all the queen's good subjects, in most of the provinces,

When this man was come over, his heart thus fraughted with treasons, and presented himself to her Majesty; it pleased God, in his singular providence over her Majesty, to guide and hem in her proceeding towards him in a narrow way of safety between two perils. For neither did her Majesty leave him at liberty, whereby he might have commodity to execute his purpose; nor restrain him in any such nature, as might signify or betoken matter of despair of his return to court and favour. And so the means of present mischief being taken away, and the humours not stirred, this matter fell asleep, and the thread of his purposes was cut off. For coming over about the end of September, and not denied access and conference with her Majesty, and then being commanded to his chamber of court for some days, and from thence to the lord keeper's house, it was conceived that these were no ill signs. At my lord keeper's house he remained till some few days before Easter, and then was removed to his own house, under the custody of Sir Richard Barkley, and in that sort continued till the end of Trinity term following.

For her Majesty, all this while looking into his faults with the eye of her princely favour, and loth to take advantage of his great offences, in other nature than as contempts, resolved so to proceed against him, as might, to use her Majesty's own words, tend "ad correctionem, et non ad ruinam."

Nevertheless afterwards, about the end of Trinity term following, for the better satisfaction of the world, and to repress seditious bruits and libels which were dispersed in his justification, and to observe a form of justice before he should be set at full liberty; her Majesty was pleased to direct, that there should be associate unto her privy council some chosen persons of her nobility, and of her judges of the law, and before them his cause, concerning the breaking of his instructions for the northern prosecution, and the manner of his treating with Tyrone, and his coming over, and leaving the kingdom of Ireland, contrary to her Majesty's commandment, expressed as well by signification thereof, made under her royal hand and signet, as by a most binding and effectual letter written privately to himself, to receive a hearing; with limitation, nevertheless, that he should not be charged with any point of disloyalty; and with like favour directed, that he should not be called in question in the open and ordinary place of offenders, in the Star-chamber, from which he had likewise, by a most penitent and humble letter, desired to be spared, as that which would have wounded him for ever, as he affirmed, but in a more private manner, at my lord keeper's house. Neither was the effect of the sentence, that there passed against him, any more than a suspension of the exercise of some of his places: at which time also, Essex, that could vary himself into all shapes for a time, infinitely desirous, as by the sequel now appeareth, to be at liberty to practise and revive his former purposes, and hoping to set into them with better strength than ever, because

he conceived the people's hearts were kindled to him by his troubles, and that they had made great demonstrations of as much; he did transform himself into such a strange and dejected humility, as if he had been no man of this world, with passionate protestations that he called God to witness, That he had made an utter divorce with the world; and he desired her Majesty's favour not for any worldly respect, but for a preparative for a "Nunc dimittis;" and that the tears of his heart had quenched in him all humours of ambition. All this to make her Majesty secure, and to lull the world asleep, that he was not a man to be held any ways dangerous. Not many days after, Sir Richard Barkley, his keeper, was removed from him, and he set at liberty with this admonition only, That he should not take himself to be altogether discharged, though he were left to the guard of none but his own discretion. But he felt himself no sooner upon the wings of his liberty, but, notwithstanding his former shows of a mortified estate of mind, he began to practise afresh as busily as ever, reviving his former resolution; which was the surprising and possessing the queen's person and the court. And that it may appear how early after his liberty he set his engines on work, having long before entertained into his service, and during his government in Ireland drawn near unto him in the place of his chief secretary, one Henry Cuffe, a base fellow by birth, but a great scholar, and indeed a notable traitor by the book, being otherwise of a turbulent and mutinous spirit against all superiors.

This fellow, in the beginning of August, which was not a month after Essex had liberty granted, fell of practising with Sir Henry Nevil, that served her Majesty as legier ambassador with the French king, and then newly come over into England from Bulloign, abusing him with a false lie and mere invention, that his service was blamed and misliked, and that the imputation of the breach of the treaty of peace held at Bulloign was like to light upon him, when there was no colour of any such matter, only to distaste | him of others, and fasten him to my lord, though he did not acquaint him with any particulars of my lord's designs till a good while after.

The declaration of Sir

Henry Nevil.

But my lord having spent the end of the summer, being a private time, when every body was out of town and dispersed, in digesting his own thoughts, with the help and conference of Mr. Cuffe, they had soon set down between them the ancient principle of traitors and conspirators, which was, to prepare many, and to acquaint few; and, after the manner of miners, to make ready their powder, and place it, and then give fire but in the instant. Therefore, the first consideration was of such persons as my lord thought fit to draw to be of his party; singling out both of nobility and martial men, and others, such as were discontented or turbulent, and such as were weak of judgment, and easy to be abused, or such as were wholly dependants and followers, for means or countenance, of himself, Southampton, or some other of his greatest associates.

And knowing there were no such strong and draw

|

| ing cords of popularity as religion, he had not neglected, both at this time and long before, in a profane policy, to serve his turn, for his own greatness, of both sorts and factions, both of catholics and puritans, as they term them, turning his outside to the one, and his inside to the other; and making himself pleasing and gracious to the one sort by professing zeal, and frequenting sermons, and making much of preachers, and secretly underhand giving assurance to Blunt, Davis, and divers others, that, if he might prevail sion of Blunt in his desired greatness, he would bring in a toleration of the catholic religion.

The confes

and Davis,

Then having passed the whole Michaelmas term in making himself plausible, and in drawing concourse about him, and in affecting and alluring men by kind provocations and usage, wherein, because his liberty was qualified, he neither forgot exercise of mind nor body, neither sermon nor tennis-court, to give the occasion and freedom of access and concourse unto him, and much other practice and device; about the end of that term, towards Christmas, he grew to a more framed resolution of the time and manner, when and how he would put his purpose in execution. And first, about the end of Michaelmas term, it passed as a kind of cypher and watch-word amongst his friends and followers, That my lord would stand upon his guard: which might receive construction, in a good sense, as well guard of circumspection, as guard of force but to the more private and trusty persons he was content it should be expounded that he would be cooped up no more, nor hazard any more restraints or commandments.

The declara

tion of Sir H. Nevil, and Sir Ferdinan do Gorge.

confession of

But the next care was how to bring such persons, as he thought fit for his purpose, into town together, without vent of suspicion, to be ready at the time, when he should put his design in execution; which he had concluded should be some time in Hilary term; wherein he found many devices to draw them up, some for suits in law, and some for suits in court, and some for assurance of land: and one friend to And it sion of Blunt

draw up another, it not being perceived The confesthat all moved from one head. may be truly noted, that in the catalogue of those persons that were the eighth of February in the action of open rebellion, a man may find almost out of every county of England some; which could not be by chance or constellation: and in the particularity of examinations, too long to be rehearsed, it was easy to trace in what sort many of them were brought up to town, and held in town upon several pretences. But in Candlemas term, when the time drew near, then was he content consultation should be had by certain choice persons, upon the whole matter and course which he should hold. And because he thought himself and his own house more observed, it was thought fit that the meeting and conference should be at Druryhouse, where Sir Charles Davers lodged. There met at this council, the earl of Southampton, with whom in former times he had been at some emulations and differences in court: but after, Southamp

ton having married his kinswoman, and plunged | according to the occasion. himself wholly into his fortune, and being his continual associate in Ireland, he accounted of him as most assured unto him, and had long ago in Ireland acquainted him with his purpose, as was declared before: Sir Charles Davers, one exceedingly devoted to the earl of Southampton, upon affection begun first upon the deserving of the same earl towards him when he was in trouble about the murder of one Long Sir Ferdinando Gorge, one that the earl of Essex had of purpose sent for up from his government at Plymouth by his letter, with particular assignation to be here before the second of February : Sir John Davis, one that had been his servant, and raised by him, and that bare office in the Tower, being surveyor of the ordnance, and one that he greatly trusted and John Littleton, one they respected for his wit and valour.

:

The confession of Sir C. Davers, 1 2. Sir J. Davis, 2. Sir Ferdin. Gorge, 2. Sir Christopher Blunt, 2. Southampton at the Bar.

The consultation and conference rested upon three parts: the perusal of a list of those persons, whom they took to be of their party; the consideration of the action itself which they should set a-foot, and how they should proceed in it; and the distribution of the persons, according to the action concluded on, to their several employments.

The list contained the number of sixscore persons, noblemen, and knights, and principal gentlemen, and was, for the more credit's sake, of the earl of Essex own hand-writing.

For the action itself, there was proposition made of two principal articles: the one of possessing the Tower of London: the other of surprising her Majesty's person and the court; in which also deliberation was had, what course to hold with the city, either towards the effecting of the surprise, or after it was effected.

For the Tower, was alleged the giving a reputation to the action, by getting into their hand the principal fort of the realm, with the stores and provisions thereunto appertaining, the bridling of the city by that piece, and commodity of entrance in and possessing it, by the means of Sir John Davis. But this was by opinion of all rejected, as that which would distract their attempt from the more principal, which was the court, and as that which they made a judgment would follow incidently, if the court were once possessed.

But the latter, which was the ancient plot, as was well known to Southampton, was in the end, by the general opinion of them all, insisted and rested upon.

And the manner how it should be ordered and disposed was this: That certain selected persons of their number, such as were well known in court, and might have access, without check or suspicion, into the several rooms in court, according to the several qualities of the persons, and the differences of the rooms, should distribute themselves into the presence, the guard-chamber, the hall, and the utter court and gate, and some one principal man undertaking every several room with the strength of some few to be joined with him, every man to make good his charge

In which distribution,

Sir Charles Davers was then named to the presence, and to the great chamber, where he was appointed, when time should be, to seize upon the halberds of the guard; Sir John Davis to the hall; and Sir Christopher Blunt to the utter gate; these seeming to them the three principal wards of consideration : and that things being within the court in a readiness, a signal should be given and sent to Essex, to set forward from Essex-house, being no great distance off. Whereupon Essex, accompanied with the noblemen of his party, and such as should be prepared and assembled at his house for that purpose, should march towards the court; and that the former conspirators already entered should give correspondence to them without, as well by making themselves masters of the gates to give them entrance, as by attempting to get into their hand upon the sudden the halberds of the guard, thereby hoping to prevent any great resistance within, and by filling all full of tumult and confusion.

This being the platform of their enterprise, the second act of this tragedy was also resolved, which was that my lord should present himself to her Majesty, as prostrating himself at her feet, and desire the remove of such persons as he called his enemies from about her. And after that my lord had obtained possession of the queen, and the state, he should call his pretended enemies to a trial upon their lives, and summon a parliament, and alter the government, and obtain to himself and his associates such conditions as seemed to him and them good.

There passed a speech also in this conspiracy of possessing the city of London, which Essex himself, in his own particular and secret inclination, had ever a special mind unto: not as a departure or going from his purpose of possessing the court, but as an inducement and preparative to perform it upon a surer ground; an opinion bred in him, as may be imagined, partly by the great overweening he had of the love of the citizens; but chiefly, in all likelihood, by a fear, that although he should have prevailed in getting her Majesty's person into his hands for a time, with his two or three hundred gentlemen, yet the very beams and graces of her Majesty's magnanimity and prudent carriage in such disaster, working with the natural instinct of loyalty, which of course, when fury is over, doth ever revive in the hearts of subjects of any good blood or mind, such as his troop for the more part was compounded of, though by him seduced and bewitched, would quickly break the knot, and cause some disunion and separation amongst them, whereby he might have been left destitute, except he should build upon some more popular number, according to the nature of all usurping rebels, which do ever trust more in the common people, than in persons of sort or quality. And this may well appear by his own plot in Ireland, which was to have come with the choice of the army, from which he was diverted, as before is showed. So as his own courses inclined ever to rest upon the main strength of the multitude, and not upon surprises, or the combinations of a few.

But to return: these were the resolutions taken at

that consultation, held by these five at Drury-house, some five or six days before the rebellion, to be reported to Essex, who ever kept in himself the binding and directing voice: which he did to prevent all differences that might grow by dissent or contradiction. And besides he had other persons, which were Cuffe and Blunt, of more inwardness and confidence with him than these, Southampton only excepted, which managed that consultation. And, for the day of the enterprise, which is that must rise out of the knowledge of all the opportunities and difficulties, it was referred to Essex his own choice and appointment; it being nevertheless resolved, that it should be some time before the end of Candlemas term.

Sir Henry Nevil's declaration.

But this council and the resolutions thereof, were in some points refined by Essex, and Cuffe, and Blunt: for, first it was thought good, for the better making sure of the utter gate of the court, and the greater celerity and suddenness, to have a troop at receipt to a competent number, to have come from the Mews, where they should have been assembled without suspicion in several companies, and from thence cast themselves in a moment upon the court-gate, and join with them which are within, while Essex with the main of his company were making forward.

It was also thought fit, that because they would be commonwealth's men, and foresee, that the business and service of the public state should not stand still; they should have ready at court, and at hand, certain other persons to be offered, to supply the offices and places of such her Majesty's counsellors and servants, as they should demand to be removed and displaced.

But chiefly it was thought good, that the assembling of their companies together should be upon some plausible pretext: both to make divers of their company, that understood not the depth of the practices, the more willing to follow them; and to engage themselves, and to gather them together the better without peril of detecting or interrupting: and again, to take the court the more unprovided, without any alarm given. So as now Confession of there wanted nothing but the assignaBlunt, 3. tion of the day which nevertheless was resolved indefinitely to be before the end of the term, as was said before, for the putting in execution of this most dangerous and execrable treason. But God, who had in his divine providence long ago cursed this action with the curse that the psalm speaketh of," That it should be like the untimely fruit of a woman, brought forth before it came to perfection," so disposed above, that her Majesty, understanding by a general charm and muttering of the great and universal resort to Essex-house, contrary to her princely admonition, and somewhat dif fering from his former manner, as there could not be so great fire without some smoke, upon the seventh of February, the afternoon before this rebellion, sent to Essex-house Mr. Secretary Herbert to require him to come before the lords of her Majesty's council, then sitting in council at Salisbury-court, being the lord treasurer's house: where it was only

intended that he should have received some reprehension, for exceeding the limitation of his liberty, granted to him in a qualified manner, without any intention towards him of restraint; which he, under colour of not being well, excused to do: but his own guilty conscience applying it, that his trains were discovered, doubting peril in any farther delay, determined to hasten his enterprise, and to set it on foot the next day.

But then again, having some advertisement in the evening, that the guards were doubled at court, and laying that to the message he had received overnight; and so concluding that alarm was taken at court, he thought it to be in vain to think of the enterprise of the court, by way of surprise: but that now his only way was, to come thither in strength, and to that end first to attempt the city: wherein he did but fall back to his own former opinion, which he had in no sort neglected, but had formerly made some overtures to prepare the city to take his part; relying himself, besides his general conceit, that himself was the darling and minion of the people, and specially of the city, more particularly upon assurance given of Thomas Smith, then sheriff of London, a man well beloved amongst the citizens, and one that had some particular command of some of the trained forces of the city, to join with him. Having therefore concluded upon this determination, now was the time to execute in fact all that he had before in purpose digested.

First, therefore, he concluded of a pretext which was ever part of the plot, and which he had meditated upon and studied long before. For finding himself, thanks be to God, to seek, in her Majesty's government, of any just pretext in matter of state, either of innovation, oppression, or any unworthiness as in all his former discontentments he had gone the beaten path of traitors, turning their imputation upon counsellors, and persons of credit with their sovereign; so now he was forced to descend to the pretext of a private quarrel, giving out this speech, how that evening, when he should have been called before the lords of the council, there was an ambuscade of musketeers placed upon the water, by the device of my lord Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh, to have murdered him by the way as he passed: a matter of no probability; those persons having no such desperate estates or minds, as to ruin themselves and their posterity, by committing so odious a crime.

Confession of Sir Ferdinan do Gorge.

But contrariwise, certain it is, Sir Ferdinando Gorge accused Blunt, to have persuaded him to kill, or at least apprehend Sir Walter Raleigh; the latter whereof Blunt denieth not, and asked Sir Walter Raleigh forgiveness at the time of his death.

But this pretext, being the best he had, was taken and then did messages and warnings fly thick up and down to every particular nobleman and gentleman, both that evening and the next morning, to draw them together in the forenoon to Essexhouse, dispersing the foresaid fable, That he should have been murdered; save that it was sometime on the water, sometime in his bed, varying according

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