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ernly states) an overwhelming majority of the occupants of the Presidential chair. Like Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Johnson was the son of a poor white in a slavestate; but, unlike him, he had not the advantage of being early rescued from the heavy atmosphere of slavery. Left

at four, destitute and fatherless, he is said to have lived in an almshouse till ten; was then apprenticed to a tailor, and worked at his trade for himself successively in South Carolina, North Carolina, and Tennessee, fixing himself at Greenville, in the eastern portion of the last-named state. Here-having, meanwhile, amidst difficulties peculiar almost to the slave country, educated himself well-nigh unaided-he began by filling a few local offices (mayor of Greenville at twenty-six), was elected to the State House of Representatives in October, 1835, promoted to the State Senate in 1841, sent to the Federal House of Representatives in 1843; after sitting there ten years, was twice elected Governor of Tennessee (1853), then Senator for the State (1857). A man, it will be seen, unique among Presidents in being neither a lawyer nor a soldier, nor connected with agriculture, but belonging only to the artizan and trading class; yet full of continuous

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Kentucky to

South Carolina to

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Total Northern Presidents 6, or less than the quota of Virginia alone.

If we reckon the terms of office, the disproportion is still more striking. Out of the 76 years which had elapsed till the beginning of Mr. Lincoln's second Presidency, Southernborn Presidents held office during 53 years (Virginians only 37) and Northern-born ones 23, or less than a third (30 per cent.) of the whole period. Supposing Mr. Johnson only to complete his term of office, the figures will stand as 57 to 23 out of 80; reducing the Northern aggregate term of office to under 29 per cent. So much for the oppression of

political experience; when secession took place, a state politician since more than a quarter of a century; a member of Congress, with the exception of his four years' governorship, since eighteen. years; in all this very different from his predecessor, with his brief and intermittent periods of service in his State Legislature, his single term of membership in the Federal House of Representatives, his gallant but unsuccessful contests for the Senatorship. But more different by far in this, that, until 1860, Lincoln was never but the champion of a local minority; Johnson always of a local majority. It is told of Abraham Lincoln, that "in the early years of his political career the state of Illinois was 'overwhelmingly Democratic, returning "to Congress but one Whig representa"tive out of ten or fifteen. The consequence was, that all the Whig leaders congregated in that district, and each "took his turn in representing it in Congress. Among these, Mr. Lincoln (6 was always the last to claim his seat, "and if there was dissension in the "party he was always ready to stand

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aside, if by doing so he could recon"cile differences." Mr. Johnson, on the contrary, Mr. Conway has told us in the Spectator, was a safe "party hack," working steadily, year in and year out, with the Democratic majority; over-cautious in committees, slow to make up his mind, always insisting on going through all the papers; silent, temperate, a man of few friends; known chiefly by his reverence for Andrew Jackson, and by his sturdy assertion of his position as one of the small whites, in opposition to the aristocratic slaveowners of the South, so that he never would allow his tailor's sign to be taken down from his door, where it hangs still.

And now came the hour which was so strangely to unite the two men in one common purpose, yet still in contrasted positions. The champion of the Whig minority in Illinois had become the elect of the whole Republican North. The obscure member of the late Demo

Southern senators for the Union. At first, indeed, as an avowed partizan an avowed partizan of slavery; claiming only, against Mr. Jefferson Davis, to fight the battle of slavery within the Union; taunted by his opponent with not really intending to fight any battle at all, and at the same time with seeking to turn the powers he possessed as Senator of the United States to the destruction of the Government he was sworn to support. Surprised at the bitter attacks on himself by those he was accustomed to work with, slowly, unwillingly, Andrew Johnson grew to the conviction that it was treason that the Southern leaders were plotting, and his wrath knew no bounds. In the presence and beneath the chair of Vice-President Breckenridge, for whom he had voted at the Presidential election, he declared that, if he "could find the "men who are plotting in the dark the "destruction of their country," who "are "writing treasonable letters to traitors on "the very tables and stationery of this "Government, he would try them, and, "if found guilty of treason under the "law, I would, by the eternal God, have "them executed."

The whole South was indignant. At Memphis Mr. Johnson was hung in effigy. As he returned home from Congress, under threats for his life, he was seized and maltreated by a mob at Lynchburg, and at Liberty, in Virginia, and at the latter place, with the knot already round his neck, only saved on the states-right plea that Virginia had no title to hang a Tennesseean, sure to to be hung in his own state. At Greenville, however, though insulted, he received no personal injury; and, on his return to Congress through the free states, he was enthusiastically greeted. But, in the course of the terrible conflicts which occurred in East Tennessee between Unionists and Secessionists, he lost every cent of his property; his daughter was shot on his threshold for keeping the Federal flag waving; his wife lost her health by confinement in

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a Confederate prison. On March 4th, 1862, he was appointed Military Governor of Tennessee. He was still a mere Unionist. Mr. Dicey, who was at Nashville a few months later, quotes a speech of his, repelling "with scorn the charge that "the North had come here to set negroes free," and speaking of the "abolition fanatics" as 66 sec"tionalists, traitors, brothers of Southern "secessionists." Yet he himself, we are told, liberated early in the war his own slaves; and, as the logical necessities of the war gradually opened on his slow but tenacious understanding, the proslavery Unionist gradually developed into the enemy of slavery, till at last, in a memorable speech of his from the balcony of the State Capitol to the coloured men of Nashville-Tennessee, it will be remembered, not having been included in the emancipation proclamation-he declared that "with the past "history of the State to witness, the "present condition to guide, and its "future to encourage me, I, Andrew "Johnson, do hereby proclaim freedom, "full, broad, and unconditional, to every 66 man in Tennessee." Bold words, indeed, but which were made good by an Act of Emancipation, passed by a general convention of the State. was elected Vice-President with Mr. Lincoln at the re-election of the latter, but, by a strange mishap, on taking the oaths of office, showed himself under the influence of drink. It is now universally admitted that he is not only temperate, but abstemious, and that it was the unwonted use of a stimulant to overcome the nervousness of indisposition which threw his mind off its balance. Of his conduct as President I shali leave the future to speak. But I shall be much surprised if this Tennesseean tailor-this dark-visaged man, with grey eyes and brown-grey hair and deep-lined brow, "grave almost to grimness"-turns out one of the least remarkable occupants of the Presidential chair.

He

THE DOVE IN THE EAGLE'S NEST.

BY THE AUTHOR OF

CHAPTER XVIII.

FRIEDMUND IN THE CLOUDS.

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THE stone was quarried high on the mountain, and a direct road was made for bringing it down to the water-side. The castle profited by the road in accessibility, but its impregnability was so far lessened. However, as Ebbo said, it was to be a friendly harbour instead of a robber crag, and in case of need the communication could easily be destroyed. The blocks of stone were brought down, and wooden sheds were erected for the workmen in the meadow.

In August, however, came tidings that, after two amputations of his diseased limb, the Kaisar Freidrich III. had diedit was said, from over-free use of melons in the fever consequent on the operation. His death was not likely to make much change in the government, which had of late been left to his son. At this time the King of the Romans (for the title of Kaisar was conferred only by coronation by the Pope, and this Maximilian never received) was at Innspruck, collecting troops for the deliverance of Styria and Carinthia from a horde of invading troops. The Markgraf of Wurtemburg sent an intimation to all the Swabian League that the new sovereign would be best pleased if their homage were paid to him in his camp at the head of their armed retainers.

THE HEIR OF REDCLYFFE."

Here was the way of enterprise and honour open at last, and the young barons of Adlerstein eagerly prepared for it, equipping their vassals and sending to Ulm to take three or four menat-arms into their pay, so as to make up twenty lances as the contingent of Adlerstein. It was decided that Christina should spend the time of their absence at Ulm, whither her sons would escort her on their way to the camp.

summer evening Christina was sitting on the castle steps listening to Ebbo's eager talk of his plans of interesting his hero, the King of the Romans, in his bridge, and obtaining full recognition to his claim to the Debateable Strand, where the busy workmen could be seen far below.

Presently Ebbo, as usual when left to himself, grew restless for want of Friedel, and exclaiming, "The musing fit is on him! He will stay all night at the tarn if I fetch him not," he set off in quest of him, passing through the hamlet to look for him in the chapel on his

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"Yes, I have been to the tarn," said Friedel, throwing his arm round his brother's neck in their boyish fashion. "It has been very dear to me, and I longed to see its grey depths once more."

"Once! Yea, manifold times shalt thou see them," said Ebbo. "Schleiermacher tells me that these are no Janissaries, but a mere miscreant, even by whom glory can scarce be gained, and no peril at all."

"I know not," said Friedel, "but it is to me as if I were taking my leave of all these purple hollows and heavenlighted peaks cleaving the sky. All the more, Ebbo, since I have made up my mind to a resolution."

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Nay, none of the old monkish fancies," cried Ebbo; "against them thou

Southern senators for the Union. At first, indeed, as an avowed partizan of slavery; claiming only, against Mr. Jefferson Davis, to fight the battle of slavery within the Union; taunted by his opponent with not really intending to fight any battle at all, and at the same time with seeking to turn the powers he possessed as Senator of the United States to the destruction of the Government he was sworn to support. Surprised at the bitter attacks on himself by those he was accustomed to work with, slowly, unwillingly, Andrew Johnson grew to the conviction that it was treason that the Southern leaders were plotting, and his wrath knew no bounds. In the presence and beneath the chair of Vice-President Breckenridge, for whom he had voted at the Presidential election, he declared that, if he "could find the "men who are plotting in the dark the "destruction of their country," who "are "writing treasonable letters to traitors on "the very tables and stationery of this "Government, he would try them, and, "if found guilty of treason under the "law, I would, by the eternal God, have "them executed."

The whole South was indignant. At Memphis Mr. Johnson was hung in effigy. As he returned home from Congress, under threats for his life, he was seized and maltreated by a mob at Lynchburg, and at Liberty, in Virginia, and at the latter place, with the knot already round his neck, only saved on the states-right plea that Virginia had no title to hang a Tennesseean, sure to to be hung in his own state. At Greenville, however, though insulted, he received no personal injury; and, on his return to Congress through the free states, he was enthusiastically greeted. But, in the course of the terrible conflicts which occurred in East Tennessee between Unionists and Secessionists, he lost every cent of his property; his daughter was shot on his threshold for keeping the Federal flag waving; his wife lost her health by confinement in

a Confederate prison. On March 4th, 1862, he was appointed Military Governor of Tennessee. He was still a mere Unionist. Mr. Dicey, who was at Nashville a few months later, quotes a speech of his, repelling "with scorn the charge that "the North had come here to set negroes free," and speaking of the "abolition fanatics" as "sec"tionalists, traitors, brothers of Southern "secessionists." Yet he himself, we are told, liberated early in the war his own slaves; and, as the logical necessities of the war gradually opened on his slow but tenacious understanding, the proslavery Unionist gradually developed into the enemy of slavery, till at last, in a memorable speech of his from the balcony of the State Capitol to the coloured men of Nashville-Tennessee, it will be remembered, not having been included in the emancipation proclamation-he declared that "with the past "history of the State to witness, the "present condition to guide, and its "future to encourage me, I, Andrew "Johnson, do hereby proclaim freedom,

66

He

full, broad, and unconditional, to every 66 man in Tennessee." Bold words, indeed, but which were made good by an Act of Emancipation, passed by a general convention of the State. was elected Vice-President with Mr. Lincoln at the re-election of the latter, but, by a strange mishap, on taking the oaths of office, showed himself under the influence of drink. It is now universally admitted that he is not only temperate, but abstemious, and that it was the unwonted use of a stimulant to overcome the nervousness of indisposition which threw his mind off its balance. Of his conduct as President I shall leave the future to speak. But I shall be much surprised if this Tennesseean tailor-this dark-visaged man, with grey eyes and brown-grey hair and deep-lined brow, "grave almost to grimness"-turns out one of the least remarkable occupants of the Presidential chair.

THE DOVE IN THE EAGLE'S NEST.

BY THE AUTHOR OF "THE HEIR OF REDCLYFFE."

CHAPTER XVIII.

FRIEDMUND IN THE CLOUDS.

THE stone was quarried high on the mountain, and a direct road was made for bringing it down to the water-side. The castle profited by the road in accessibility, but its impregnability was so far lessened. However, as Ebbo said, it was to be a friendly harbour instead of a robber crag, and in case of need the communication could easily be destroyed. The blocks of stone were brought down, and wooden sheds were erected for the workmen in the meadow.

In August, however, came tidings that, after two amputations of his diseased limb, the Kaisar Freidrich III. had diedit was said, from over-free use of melons in the fever consequent on the operation. His death was not likely to make much change in the government, which had of late been left to his son. At this time the King of the Romans (for the title of Kaisar was conferred only by coronation by the Pope, and this Maximilian never received) was at Innspruck, collecting troops for the deliverance of Styria and Carinthia from a horde of invading troops. The Markgraf of Wurtemburg sent an intimation to all the Swabian League that the new sovereign would be best pleased if their homage were paid to him in his camp at the head of their armed retainers.

Here was the way of enterprise and honour open at last, and the young barons of Adlerstein eagerly prepared for it, equipping their vassals and sending to Ulm to take three or four menat-arms into their pay, so as to make up twenty lances as the contingent of Adlerstein. It was decided that Christina should spend the time of their absence at Ulm, whither her sons would escort her on their way to the camp.

summer evening Christina was sitting on the castle steps listening to Ebbo's eager talk of his plans of interesting his hero, the King of the Romans, in his bridge, and obtaining full recognition to his claim to the Debateable Strand, where the busy workmen could be seen far below.

Presently Ebbo, as usual when left to himself, grew restless for want of Friedel, and exclaiming, "The musing fit is on him! He will stay all night at the tarn if I fetch him not," he set off in quest of him, passing through the hamlet to look for him in the chapel on his

way.

Not finding Friedel there, he was, however, someway up towards the tarn, when he met his brother wearing the beamy yet awestruck look that he often brought from the mountain height, yet with a stedfast expression of resolute purpose on his face.

"Ah, dreamer!" said Ebbo, "I knew where to seek thee! Ever in the clouds!"

"Yes, I have been to the tarn," said Friedel, throwing his arm round his brother's neck in their boyish fashion. "It has been very dear to me, and I longed to see its grey depths once more."

"Once! Yea, manifold times shalt thou see them," said Ebbo. "Schleiermacher tells me that these are no Janissaries, but a mere miscreant, even by whom glory can scarce be gained, and no peril at all."

"I know not," said Friedel, "but it is to me as if I were taking my leave of all these purple hollows and heavenlighted peaks cleaving the sky. All the more, Ebbo, since I have made up my mind to a resolution."

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Nay, none of the old monkish fancies," cried Ebbo; "against them thou

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