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done to one of theirs, he wished it could be passed you say if your ship, which you complain to be unover with like brevity. But he did foresee his way, der arrest, be now under sail in way homewards ?" that it would prove not only long, but likewise hard Which fell out accordingly: the same person conto find, and hard to keep; this cause being so to be fessing, six days after, to the lords, that she was incarried, as above all no wrong be done to the king's | deed in her way homewards. sovereignty and authority: and in the second place, no misunderstanding do ensue between the two houses. And therefore that he hoped his words would receive a benign interpretation; knowing well that pursuit and drift of speech, and multitude of matter, might breed words to pass from him beyond the compass of his intention: and therefore he placed more assurance and caution in the innocency of his own meaning, and in the experience of our favours, than in any his wariness or watchfulness over his own speech.

This respective preface used, his lordship descended to the matter itself; which he divided into three considerations: for he said he would consider of the petition,

First, As it proceeded from the merchants. Secondly, As from them it was offered to the lower house.

The third general observation which his lordship made was this, in effect; that although he granted that the wealth and welfare of the merchant was not without a sympathy with the general stock and state of a nation, especially an island; yet nevertheless, it was a thing too familiar with the merchant, to make the case of his particular profit, the public case of the kingdom.

There follow the particular observations, which have a reference and application to the merchants that trade to Spain and the Levant: wherein his lordship did first honourably and tenderly acknowledge, that their grievances were great, that they did multiply, and that they do deserve compassion and help; but yet nevertheless, that he must use that loving plainness to them as to tell them, that in many things they were authors of their own miseries. For since the dissolving of the company, which was termed the

And thirdly, As from the lower house it was re- monopoly, and was set free by the special instance : commended to the higher house.

In the first of these considerations there fell out naturally a subdivision into the persons of the petitioners, and the matter and parts of the petition. In the persons of the merchants his lordship made, as I have collected them, in number, eight observations, whereof the three first respected the general condition of merchants; and the five following were applied to the particular circumstances of the merchants now complaining.

His lordship's first general observation was, that merchants were of two sorts; the one sought their fortunes, as the verse saith, "per saxa, per ignes ;" and, as it is said in the same place, "extremos currit mercator ad Indos;" subjecting themselves to weather and tempest; to absence, and, as it were, exile, out of their native countries; to arrest in entrances of war; to foreign injustice and rigour in times of peace and many other sufferances and adventures. But that there were others that took a more safe, but a less generous course in raising their fortunes. He taxed none, but did attribute much more respect to the former.

The second general observation which his lordship made was, that the complaints of merchants were usually subject to much error, in regard that they spake, for the most part, but upon information; and that carried through many hands; and of matters done in remote parts; so as a false or factious factor might oftentimes make great tragedies upon no great ground. Whereof, towards the end of his speech he brought an instance of one trading into the Levant, that complained of an arrest of his ship, and possessed the council-table with the same complaint in a vehement and bitter fashion; desiring and pressing some present and expostulary letters touching the same. Whereupon some counsellors, well acquainted with the like heats, and forwardness in complaints, happened to say to him out of conjecture, and not out of any intelligence, "What will

of this house, there hath followed such a confusion
and relaxation in order and government amongst
them, as they do not only incur many inconveniences,
and commit many errors; but in the pursuits of
their own remedies and suits they do it so impoli-
ticly, and after such a fashion, as, except lieger am-
bassadors, which are the eyes of kings in foreign
parts, should leave their centinel, and become mer-
chants' factors, and solicitors, their causes can hardly
prosper. And, which is more, such is now the con-
fusion in the trade, as shop-keepers and handy-crafts-
men become merchants there; who, being bound to
no orders, seek base means, by gifts and bribery, to
procure favours at the hands of officers there.
as the honest merchant, that trades like a substantial
merchant, and loves not to take servile courses to
buy the right due to him by the amity of the princes,
can have no justice without treading in their steps.

So

Secondly, His lordship did observe some improbability that the wrongs should be so great, considering trading into those parts was never greater; whereas if the wrongs and griefs were so intolerable and continual, as they propound them and voiced them, it would work rather a general discouragement and coldness of trade in fact, than an earnest and hot complaint in words.

Thirdly, His lordship did observe, that it is a course, howsoever it may be with a good intent, yet, of no small presumption, for merchants upon their particular grievances to urge things tending to a direct war, considering that nothing is more usual in treaties, than that such particular damages and molestations of subjects are left to a form of justice to be righted and that the more high articles do retain nevertheless their vigour inviolably; and that the great bargain of the kingdom for war and peace may in no wise depend upon such petty forfeitures, no more than in common assurance between man and man it were fit that, upon every breach of covenants, there should be limited a re-entry.

Fourthly, His lordship did observe, in the manner of preferring their petition, they had inverted due order, addressing themselves to the foot, and not to the head. For, considering that they prayed no new law for their relief, and that it concerned matter of inducement to war or peace, they ought to have begun with his Majesty; unto whose royal judgment, power, and office, did properly belong the discerning of that which was desired, the putting in act of that which might be granted, and the thanks for that which might be obtained.

Fifthly, His lordship did observe, that as they had not preferred their petition as it should be, so they had not pursued their own direction as it was. For having directed their petition to the king, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in parliament assembled, it imported, as if they had offered the like petition to the lords; which they never did contrary not only to their own direction but likewise to our conceit, who pre-supposed, as it should seem by some speech that passed from us at a former conference, that they had offered several petitions of like tenor to both houses. So have you now those eight observations, part general, part special, which his lordship made touching the persons of those which exhibited the petition, and the circumstances of the same.

For the matter of the petition itself, his lordship made this division, that it consisteth of three parts. First, Of the complaints of wrongs in fact. Secondly, Of the complaints of wrongs in law, as they may be truly termed, that is, of the inequality of laws which do regulate the trade.

And thirdly, The remedy desired by letters of

mart.

The wrongs in fact receive a local distribution of three. In the trade to Spain, in the trade to the West-Indies, and in the trade to the Levant.

Concerning the trade to Spain; although his lordship did use much signification of compassion of the injuries which the merchants received; and attributed so much to their profession and estate, as from such a mouth in such a presence they ought to receive for a great deal of honour and comfort, which kind of demonstration he did interlace throughout his whole speech, as proceeding ex abundantia cordis, yet nevertheless he did remember four excusations, or rather extenuations of those wrongs.

The first was, that the injustices complained of were not in the highest degree, because they were delays and hard proceedings, and not inique sentences, or definitive condemnations: wherein I called to mind what I heard a great bishop say, that courts of justice, though they did not turn justice into wormwood by corruption, yet they turned it into vinegar by delays, which soured it. Such a difference did his lordship make, which, no question, is a difference secundum majus et minus.

Secondly, His lordship ascribed these delays, not so much to malice or alienation of mind towards us, as to the nature of the people and nation, which is proud, and therefore dilatory; for all proud men are full of delays, and must be waited on: and especially

to the multitudes and diversity of tribunals and places of justice, and the number of the king's councils, full of referrings, which ever prove of necessity to be deferrings; besides the great distance of territories: all which have made the delays of Spain to come into a by-word through the world. Wherein I think his lordship might allude to the proverb of Italy, "Mi venga la morte di Spagna," Let my death come from Spain, for then it is sure to be long a coming.

Thirdly, His lordship did use an extenuation of these wrongs, drawn from the nature of man, nemo subito fingitur. For that we must make an account, that though the fire of enmity be out between Spain and us, yet it vapoureth: the utter extincting whereof must be the work of time.

But lastly, His lordship did fall upon that extenuation, which of all the rest was more forcible; which was, that many of these wrongs were not sustained without some aspersion of the merchants' own fault in ministering the occasion, which grew chiefly in this manner.

There is contained an article in the treaty between Spain and us, that we shall not transport any native commodities of the Low Countries into Spain; nay more, that we shall not transport any opificia, manufactures of the same countries: so that if an English cloth take but a dye in the Low Countries, it may not be transported by the English. And the reason is, because even those manufactures, although the materials come from other places, do yield unto them a profit and sustentation, in regard their people are set on work by them; they have a gain likewise in the price; and they have a custom in the transporting. All which the policy of Spain is to debar them of; being no less desirous to suffocate the trade of the Low Countries, than to reduce their obedience. This article the English merchant either doth not or will not understand: but being drawn with his threefold cord of love, hate, and gain, they do venture to transport the Low Country commodities of these natures, and so draw upon themselves these arrests and troubles.

For the trade to the Indies, his lordship did discover unto us the state of it to be thus: the policy of Spain doth keep that treasury of theirs under such lock and key, as both confederates, yea, and subjects, are excluded of trade into those countries; insomuch as the French king, who hath reason to stand upon equal terms with Spain, yet nevertheless is by express capitulation debarred. The subjects of Portugal, whom the state of Spain hath studied by all means to content, are likewise debarred; such a vigilant dragon is there that keepeth this golden fleece: yet nevertheless, such was his Majesty's magnanimity in the debate and conclusion of the last treaty, as he would never condescend to any article, importing the exclusion of his subjects from that trade as a prince that would not acknowledge that any such right could grow to the crown of Spain by the donative of the pope, whose authority he disclaimeth; or by the title of a dispersed and punctual occupation of certain territories in the name of the rest; but stood firm to reserve that

For the third part of the matter of the petition, which was the remedy sought by letters of mart, his lordship seemed desirous to make us capable of the inconvenience of that which was desired, by setting before us two notable exceptions thereunto: the one, that the remedy was utterly incompetent and vain; the other, that it was dangerous and pernicious to our merchants, and in consequence to the whole state.

point in full question to farther times and occasions; | taken in pirates' hands. But yet that we were to so as it is left by the treaty in suspense, neither understand thus much of the king of Spain's care debarred nor permitted: the tenderness and point and regard of our nation; that he had written his of honour whereof was such, as they that went thi- letters to all corregidors, officers of ports, and other ther must run their own peril. Nay, farther, his his ministers, declaring his will and pleasure to lordship affirmed, that if yet at this time his Majesty have his Majesty's subjects used with all freedom would descend to a course of entreaty for the release and favour; and with this addition, that they should of the arrest in those parts, and so confess an ex- have more favour, when it might be showed, than clusion, and quit the point of honour, his Majesty any other. Which words, howsoever the effects might have them forthwith released. And yet his prove, are not suddenly to be requited with peremplordship added, that the offences and scandals of tory resolutions, till time declare the direct issue. some had made this point worse than it was, in regard that this very last voyage to Virginia, intended for trade and plantation, where the Spaniard hath no people nor possession, is already become infamed for piracy. Witness Bingley, who first insinuating his purpose to be an actor in that worthy action of enlarging trade and plantation, is become a pirate, and hath been so pursued, as his ship is taken in Ireland, though his person is not yet in hold. For the trade to the Levant, his lordship opened unto us that the complaint consisted in effect but of two particulars: the one, touching the arrest of a ship called the Trial, in Sicily; the other, of a ship called the Vineyard, in Sardinia. The first of which arrests was upon pretence of piracy; the second, upon pretence of carrying ordnance and powder to the Turk. That process concerning the Trial had been at the merchants' instance drawn to a review in Spain, which is a favour of exceeding rare precedent, being directly against the liberties and privileges of Sicily. That of the Vineyard, notwithstanding it be of that nature, as, if it should be true, tendeth to the great dishonour of our nation, whereof hold hath been already taken by the French ambassador residing at Constantinople, who entered into a scandalous expostulation with his Majesty's ambassador there, upon that and the like transportations of munition to the Turk, yet nevertheless there is an answer given, by letters from the king's ambassador lieger in Spain, that there shall be some course taken to give reasonable contentment in that cause, as far as may be in both which ships, to speak truly, the greatest mass of loss may be included; for the rest are mean, in respect of the value of those two vessels. And thus much his lordship's speech comprehended concerning the wrongs in fact.

Concerning the wrongs in law; that is to say, the rigour of the Spanish laws extended upon his Majesty's subjects that traffic thither, his lordship gave this answer. That they were no new statutes or edicts devised for our people, or our times; but were the ancient laws of that kingdom: Suus cuique mos. And therefore, as travellers must endure the extremities of the climate, and temper of the air where they travel; so merchants must bear with the extremities of the laws, and temper of the estate where they trade. Whereunto his lordship added, That our own laws here in England were not exempted from the like complaints in foreign parts; especially in point of marine causes and depredations, and that same swift alteration of property, which is claimed by the admiralty in case of goods

For the weakness of the remedy, his lordship wished us to enter into consideration what the remedy was, which the statute of Henry the fifth, which was now sought to be put in execution, gave in this case: which was thus: That the party grieved should first complain to the keeper of the privy seal, and from him should take letters unto the party that had committed the spoil, for restitution; and in default of restitution to be made upon such letters served, then to obtain of the chancellor letters of mart or reprisal: which circuit of remedy promised nothing but endless and fruitless delay, in regard that the first degree prescribed was never likely to be effected; it being so wild a chace, as to serve process upon the wrong doer in foreign parts. Wherefore his lordship said, that it must be the remedy of state, and not the remedy of statute, that must do good in this case; which useth to proceed by certificates, attestations, and other means of information; not depending upon a privy seal to be served upon the party, whom haply they must seek out in the West Indies.

For the danger of the remedy, his lordship directed our considerations to take notice of the proportions of the merchants' goods in either kingdom: as that the stock of goods of the Spaniard, which is within his Majesty's power and distress, is a trifle; whereas the stock of English goods in Spain is a mass of mighty value. So as if this course of letters of mart should be taken to satisfy a few hot pursuitors here, all the goods of the English subjects in Spain shall be exposed to seizure and arrest: and we have little or nothing in our hands on this side to mend ourselves upon. And thus much, Mr. Speaker, is that which I have collected out of that excellent speech, concerning the first main part, which was the consideration of the petition as it proceeded from the merchant.

There followeth now the second part, considering the petition as it was offered in this house. Wherein his lordship, after an affectionate commemoration of the gravity, capacity, and duty, which he generally found in the proceedings of this house, desired us nevertheless to consider with him, how it was possible that the entertaining petitions concerning pri

vate injuries, and of this nature, could avoid these three inconveniences: the first, of injustice; the second, of derogation from his Majesty's supreme and absolute power of concluding war or peace; and the third, of some prejudice in reason of

estate.

For injustice, it is plain, and cannot be denied, that we hear but the one part: whereas the rule, "Audi alteram partem," is not of the formality, but of the essence of justice: which is therefore figured with both eyes shut, and both ears open; because she should hear both sides, and respect neither. So that if we should hap to give a right judgment, it might be justum, but not juste, without hearing both parties.

For the point of derogation, his lordship said, he knew well we were no less ready to acknowledge than himself, that the crown of England was ever invested, amongst other prerogatives not disputable, of an absolute determination and power of concluding and making war and peace: which that it was no new dotation, but of an ancient foundation in the crown, he would recite unto us a number of precedents in the reigns of several kings, and chiefly of those kings which come nearest his Majesty's own worthiness; wherein he said, that he would not put his credit upon cyphers and dates; because it was easy to mistake the year of a reign, or number of a roll, but he would avouch them in substance to be perfect and true, as they are taken out of the records. By which precedents it will appear, that petitions made in parliament to kings of this realm, his Majesty's progenitors, intermeddling with matter of war or peace, or inducement thereunto, received small allowance or success, but were always put off with dilatory answers; sometimes referring the matter to their council, sometimes to their letters, sometimes to their farther pleasure and advice, and such other forms; expressing plainly, that the kings meant to reserve matter of that nature entirely to their own power and pleasure.

commons petitioned, that they might have the trial and proceeding with certain merchants strangers as enemies to the state. The king's answer was, It should remain as it did till the king had taken farther order.

In the forty-fifth year of king Edward III. the commons complained that their trade with the Easterlings was not upon equal terms, which is one of the points insisted upon in the present petition, and prayed an alteration and reducement. The king's answer was, It shall be so as occasion shall require.

In the fiftieth year of the same king, the commons petitioned to the king for remedy against the subjects of Spain, as they now do. The king's answer was, That he would write his letter for remedy. Here is letters of request, no letters of mart: "Nihil potest nisi eodem modo petere."

In the same year, the merchants of York petitioned in parliament against the Hollanders, and desired their ships might be stayed both in England and at Calais. The king's answer was, Let it be declared unto the king's council, and they shall have such remedy as is according to reason.

In the second year of king Richard II. the merchants of the sea-coast did complain of divers spoils upon their ships and goods by the Spaniard. The king's answer was, That with the advice of his council he would procure remedy.

His lordship cited two other precedents; the one, in the second year of king Henry IV. of a petition against the merchants of Genoa; the other, in the eleventh year of king Henry VI. of a petition against the merchants of the still-yard, which I omit, because they contain no variety of answer.

His lordship farther cited two precedents concerning other points of prerogative, which are likewise flowers of the crown; the one touching the king's supremacy ecclesiastical, the other touching the order of weights and measures. The former of them was in the time of king Richard II. at what time the commons complained against certain en

In the eighteenth year of king Edward I. complaint was made by the commons, against the sub-croachments and usurpations of the pope; and the jects of the earl of Flanders, with petition of redress. The king's answer was, "Rex nihil aliud potest, quam eodem modo petere :" that is, That the king could do no more but make request to the earl of Flanders, as request had been made to him; and yet nobody will imagine but king Edward the first was potent enough to have had his reason of a count of Flanders by a war; and yet his answer was, Nihil aliud potest;" as giving them to understand, that the entering into a war was a matter transcendent, that must not depend upon such controversies.

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In the fourteenth year of king Edward III. the commons petitioned, that the king would enter into certain covenants and capitulations with the duke of Brabant ; in which petition there was also inserted somewhat touching a money matter. The king's answer was, That for that which concerned the moneys, they might handle it and examine it; but touching the peace, he would do as to himself seemed good.

In the eighteenth year of king Edward III. the

king's answer was, "The king hath given order to his council to treat with the bishops thereof." The other was in the eighteenth year of king Edward I. at which time complaint was made against uneven weights: and the king's answer was, "Vocentur partes ad placita regis, et fiat justitia ;" whereby it appeared, that the kings of this realm still used to refer causes petitioned in parliament to the proper places of cognizance and decision. But for the matter of war and peace, as appears in all the former precedents, the kings ever kept it in scrinio pectoris, in the shrines of their own breast, assisted and advised by their council of estate.

Inasmuch as his lordship did conclude his enumeration of precedents with a notable precedent in the seventeenth year of king Richard II. a prince of no such glory nor strength; and yet when he made offer to the commons in parliament that they should take into their considerations matter of war and peace then in hand; the commons, in modesty, excused themselves, and answered, "The commons

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And thus, Mr. Speaker, have I passed over the speech of this worthy lord, whose speeches, as I have often said, in regard of his place and judgment, are extraordinary lights to this house; and have both the properties of light, that is, conducting, and comforting. And although, Mr. Speaker, a man would have thought nothing had been left to be said, yet I shall now give you account of another speech full of excellent matter and ornaments, and without iteration: which, nevertheless, I shall report more compendiously, because I will not offer the speech that wrong, as to report it at large, when your minds percase and attentions are already wearied.

will not presume to treat of so high a charge. Out | ground in making his peace, will not lose any of all which precedents his lordship made this in- ground, upon just provocation, to enter into an ference, that as dies diem docet, so by these exam- honourable war. And that in the mean time we ples wise men will be admonished to forbear those should know thus much, that there could not be petitions to princes, which are not likely to have more forcible negociation on the king's part, but either a welcome hearing or an effectual answer. blows, to procure remedy of those wrongs; nor more And for prejudice that might come of handling fair promises on the king of Spain's part, to give and debating matter of war and peace in parliament, contentment concerning the same; and therefore he doubted not, but that the wisdom of this house that the event must be expected. did conceive upon what secret considerations and motives that point did depend. For that there is no king which will providently and maturely enter into a war, but will first balance his own forces; seek to anticipate confederacies and alliances, revoke his merchants, find an opportunity of the first breach, and many other points, which, if they once do but take wind, will prove vain and frustrate. And therefore that this matter, which is arcanum imperii, one of the highest mysteries of estate, must be suffered to be kept within the veil: his lordship adding, that he knew not well whether, in that which he had already said out of an extreme desire to give us satisfaction, he had not communicated more particulars than perhaps was requisite. Nevertheless, he confessed, that sometimes parliaments have been made acquainted with matter of war and peace in a generality; but it was upon one of these two motives; when the king and council conceived that either it was material to have some declaration of the zeal and affection of the people; or else when the king needed to demand moneys and aids for the charge of the wars; wherein if things did sort to war, we were sure enough to hear of it: his lordship hoping that his Majesty would find in us no less readiness to support it than to persuade it.

Now, Mr. Speaker, for the last part; wherein his lordship considered the petition, as it was recommended from us to the upper house; his lordship delivered thus much from their lordships; that they would make a good construction of our desires, as those which they conceived did rather spring out of a feeling of the king's strength, and out of a feeling of the subjects' wrongs; nay more, out of a wisdom and depth, to declare our forwardness, if need were, to assist his Majesty's future resolutions, which declaration might be of good use for his Majesty's service, when it should be blown abroad; rather, I say, than that we did in any sort determine by this their overture, to do that wrong to his highness's supreme power, which haply might be inferred by those that were rather apt to make evil than good illations of our proceedings. And yet, that their lordships, for the reasons before made, must plainly tell us, that they neither could nor would concur with us, nor approve the course: and therefore concluded, that it would not be amiss for us, for our better contentment, to behold the conditions of the last peace with Spain, which were of a strange nature to him that duly observes them; no forces recalled out of the Low Countries; no new forces, as to voluntaries, restrained to go thither; so as the king may be in peace, and never a subject in England but may be in war: and then to think thus with ourselves, that that king, which would give no

The other earl, who usually doth bear a principal part upon all important occasions, used a speech, first of preface, then of argument. In his preface he did deliver, that he was persuaded that both houses did differ rather in credulity and belief, than in intention and desire: for it might be their lordships did not believe the information so far, but yet desired the reformation as much.

His lordship said farther, that the merchant was a state and degree of persons, not only to be respected, but to be prayed for, and graced them with the best additions; that they were the convoys of our supplies, the vents of our abundance, Neptune's alms-men, and fortune's adventurers. His lordship proceeded and said, this question was new to us, but ancient to them; assuring us, that the king did not bear in vain the device of the thistle, with the word, "Nemo me lacessit impune:" and that as the multiplying of his kingdoms maketh him feel his own power; so the multiplying of our loves and affections made him to feel our griefs.

For the arguments or reasons, they were five in number, which his lordship used for satisfying us why their lordships might not concur with us in this petition. The first was the composition of our house, which he took in the first foundation thereof to be merely democratical, consisting of knights of shires and burgesses of towns, and intended to be of those that have their residence, vocation, and employment in the places for which they serve and therefore to have a private and local wisdom, according to that compass, and so not fit to examine or determine secrets of estate, which depend upon such variety of circumstances; and therefore added to the precedent formerly vouched, of the seventeenth of king Richard II. when the commons disclaimed to intermeddle in matter of war and peace; that their answer was, that they would not presume to treat of so high and variable a matter. And although his lordship acknowledged that there be divers gentlemen, in the mixture of our house, that are of good capacity and insight in matters of estate;

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