who may be disposed to aid the general views of the Association; but it is not desirable that contributions which may be more usefully employed by local societies, should be diverted from local objects to the general fund; it being of the utmost importance that all, in their several districts, should organize and prepare their separate means for the approach ing registration.

The Reformers throughout the kingdom are therefore earnestly called upon by the Reform Association, to co-operate with them for the accomplishment of these lawful and important purposes.'

This is a plain summary of the case. The causes and the objects of the formation of the Society are distinctly avowed; and we have the guarantee of nearly seven hundred of the most independent commoners belonging to the Liberal cause, that these are, and will continue to be, its sole objects. They regard, especially, the freedom and independence of elections. The people are temperately warned of their danger-they are called upon to guard against it by a vigilant attention to the registration of their votes; in other words, by a simple exercise of the power which the Reform Bill conferred upon them. They are offered all proper means of advice and instruction to guide and support them in the exercise of this preliminary duty; they have the further assistance of a powerful society of friends, who will vindicate and protect them from all violence and intimidation in the exercise of their franchise; and who, by searching out and prosecuting all cases of bribery and treachery, will take especial care that the votes arising from real property shall not be swamped by Tory corruption.

In one word, the object of the association is, by clearing away all obstructions, misrepresentations, and undue influence, to obtain and to preserve a fair and open field, wherein the plain good sense of the electors of the empire may have full and free exercise. It will there be decided whether the cause of Reform is to advance, to halt, or to retrograde.

Who can doubt the issue, provided the cause be fairly tried? Indeed, we can easily believe, that the more sober Tories are beginning to repent the over activity of their friends, whose temporary success has forced the Reformers into activity and union. They may soon learn that they are playing a losing game; for surely, in the present age, in a contest for the confirmation and extension of the rights of the middle classes (and this is the real basis of the present struggle), it is highly improbable that the party which advocates the greater extension of those rights should not, in an appeal to those very classes, prevail over that which confessedly contends for a narrower limitation of them. Failure can arise only from supineness or folly. Hitherto the Reformers have been not so much supine as wisely slow to act. Therefore, now when they see that with safety to their cause

and their country, they can no longer remain inactive, we have small fear of their running into any opposite extreme. They have a good cause before them, with all the advantage, great in every civil stuggle, and more specially so in a country like ours, of being confessedly forced to take up their defence.

The Reform Associations have already carefully superintended this year's registrations. They have found the Tory agents every where most active, and fully prepared to overbear the Liberal voters in substantiating their franchise. But the quibbles

of the law, the vexations of town clerks, the studied omissions of .church-wardens, and the endless devices of the well-practised and well-paid electioneering agents, have been guarded against and defeated. In consequence of these precautions, and of the ample instructions afforded by the registration societies, we can congratulate the friends of good government upon a large and decisive addition to the ranks of the Liberal voters throughout the three kingdoms.

We have now given an outline of those Tory proceedings and attempts at a national organization for the control of elections, which have forced the formation of counteracting societies. We have examined their construction and their measures. We have found nothing dangerous in their proceedings: we have found them in accordance with the principles of their members. We can perceive no attempts at centralization of power; and, above all, we have observed no secrecy in their conduct which should lead to a suspicion of ulterior views. We have, therefore, no hesitation in declaring, that we give them our confidence; and the more so, we repeat, because they are formed in counteraction of clubs, whose construction, and connexions, are attempted to be shrouded in secrecy, and the conduct of whose members is in glaring inconsistency with the political principles and conduct of their lives.

If any Reformers do yet entertain doubts as to the policy which prompted the formation of the Reform Associations, still they must perceive, that the step has been taken, and is now irrevocable. Wherefore, surely it is their duty, as sincere Reformers, to give it the sanction of their names, and the weight of their councils, thereby to enable them to guide and restrict, if need be, the measures of those bodies to wise and useful purposes. In this point of view, we regret the fastidiousness which has kept every member of the Government, as well as every liberal Peer, apart from them. We trust this will speedily be altered; for, if it be necessary for the Association to exist at all, then every great, good, and substantial Reforming name ought to be inscribed on its roll,

ART. X.-The Whigs, their Prospects and Policy. By CAPEL LOFFT, Esq. 8vo. London, 1835.

THE

HE last time of addressing our readers on the state of public affairs, was on the eve of a change of administration. We then expressed our opinion very freely upon the character and composition of the present House of Commons,—and we did not withhold our apprehensions of still worse mischiefs from the infatuated conduct of a great party in the other House of Parliament. Upon neither subject has the history of the session in the least tended to change our sentiments. But the change of Ministry was an event of great importance. A government so weak as to be incapable of carrying any one question in the Lower House, has been succeeded by one just strong enough there not to be beaten, and too feeble in the Upper House to command a vote upon any contested question. Of the composition of this government, or that of the last, we need not speak. One thing is quite certain, that from the one the country never obtained any thing but by compulsion; while from the other almost every thing has been obtained which it had the power to give. This is surely one ground of confidence-one claim to support. Another is, that our confidence and support is necessary to their existence. The Court, we fear, is against them. The Church is against them, and regards them, most absurdly, most wildly regards them, as the source of all its perils,-whereas we verily believe they stand between the Church and destruction. The aristocracy, whether in Parliament or in the country, is their implacable enemy; and, hating reform only somewhat less bitterly than it hates them, would even support a reforming government of Tories, if such a course might only relieve them from the Whigs. Last of all, the House of Commons is but by a narrow majority for them; and of that small majority there are many unfriendly in their tenets both to their persons and their policy, who only support them through fear of their constituents,-not having, like others elected by the Liberal party, broke faith, and gone over to the enemy. Thus circumstanced, unless the people support them, is there a chance of their continuing to fill those places, from which, if they be driven, a Tory succession, without prospect of end, is the fate that awaits the country?

The support of the people is, in truth, absolutely necessary, not only to control the Court, but to control the Commons. The recent conduct of the Lords has not unnaturally withdrawn the attention of men from the conduct of our representatives,

Yet a very little reflection will remind us of scenes in the Lower House of Parliament far from consolatory to the friend of liberal principles. The Speakership carried by eleven votes - the amendment to the Address by sixteen-the resolution on the Irish Church by about twice as many :—such is the measure we must be content to take of the preponderance of liberal representation in the people's House of a Reformed Parliament. Yet, was it thus at the general election? Did nearly one-half of the candidates for the people's suffrages avow that they were resolved to support the Tories? Did little more than one-half of these candidates profess themselves friends to Reform? Far from it. The people were deceived-grossly, scandalously deceived. Men pretending to be liberal in their sentiments won their favour, that they might lend it to the enemies of all liberal opinions. Men who had never given a vote at all,-nay, men who had given many votes, but never a liberal one,-were believed when they affected to be Reformers; and some were even preferred to known and tried friends of the people. Were we to estimate at five-and-twenty or thirty the persons who played this game and then deserted to the enemy, we should by no means exaggerate their numbers. But there are at the least as many more, who, hating reform in their hearts, and desirous of quitting the government, and wishing to see that government destroyed, yet have never summoned up the bad courage that has led the others, in open and audacious breach of their faith, to desert in the face of day, and join the adversary's ranks. On those men, -those lukewarm, unwilling friends, or concealed enemies,— depends even the scanty majority which the Government now has. Can it be for an instant doubted, that the least relaxation of support from the country would at once decide their votes, and throw the Ministers into a minority in the House of Commons,-seal their doom with the Court, and with the Peers, and with the Tory leaders,-giving the Court the courage to fling them out,-giving the Tories spirit to take their places,—and raising the assurance of the Peers to a pitch which, even without any such encouragement, it had wellnigh attained a short time ago? If any one should think our apprehensions chimerical, we entreat him to look at the composition of the Ministerial majorities during the session. He will find not only how small they were, but how various in their constituent parts,-that is to say, not of how many parties composed of this we are presently to speakbut how many of the individuals who voted on any one occasion were absent, and had their places supplied by different persons on another occasion. Where parties run near, nothing can better prove the number of persons who are not steady-not to be

relied upon in all things. Then, it by no means requires the defection of such members as we have been supposing hollow friends, to turn the scale. When the majorities are twelve or fifteen, eight or ten leaving their ranks, and five or six going over to the Tories, at once throws the Government into a minority, and one such defeat would be fatal upon a question of any import

ance.

The composition of the ministerial body in the Commons is another and a most powerful argument for supporting the present Government. It consists of at least three great parties, and several lesser knots of individuals. The tie which knits them all together is but a feeble one; it is, in truth, only the dread of a Tory reign. Surely no more needs be said to demonstrate the absolute necessity of the people showing their fixed determination to tolerate no schism. If this be not plainly and loudly manifested, there will arise selfish feelings, or feelings of personal vanity and pride and ill temper, which may, from sordid or from silly views, withdraw so much numerical strength as to overset the ministry.

It ought to be very distinctly understood in what way any coldness on the part of the country must infallibly operate to restore the Tory rule. The Court is of course anxious, if it dared venture on the experiment of last year, to repeat it. What gave the courtiers the courage to try it then? The abusive tone taken by many at public meetings, and by some through the press. This, and this alone, was the cause of the change in November 1834. The Tory party instantly raised a cry that the Ministry were grown unpopular; and, in proof of their position, they appealed to one or two intemperate and thoughtless speeches by liberals or pretended liberals, and to one or two scurrilous newspapers, who wore the same liberal colours. The courtiers, prone to believe what they wished were true, thought the Whigs had become unpopular, and removed them from power. It was now too late for those to repent, who had, if not done the mischief, yet enabled others to do it. They did what was far better than empty penitence--we mean such of them as had been sincere and honest, though mistaken-they rallied against the Tories, and united to support the Whigs as a body; if not for their own sakes, yet in preference to their adversaries. This same heedless and ruinous course must not again be pursued by the country. If they only relax in their support of the Ministry, if they show any symptoms of declining favour,-the Court will assuredly turn upon them, and welcome its natural allies, the Tory fac

tion.

The kind of slackness of which we speak may operate in ano