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concluded, the Emperor would open negotiations for a general peace at Brussels, Cologne, or Frankfort. After remaining a few days in London, he proceeded to Brussels in order to take part in the conference which was soon to commence.

Winniffe's sermon.

Yet, short as his visit was, he was not left in ignorance of the light in which his master's proceedings were popularly regarded in England. Dr. Winniffe, one of the Prince's chaplains, preaching on the 'lusts which war against the soul,' took the opportunity of illustrating the attack of the devil upon the soul by the attack of Spinola upon the Palatinate. The bold preacher was at once committed to the Tower, from which he was soon afterwards set free at Schwarzenberg's request.1

So well satisfied was James with the position of affairs that he ostentatiously granted permission to Gondomar to levy one


regiments for Spain.

regiment in England, and another in Scotland, for the Spanish service, under the command of Lord Vaux and the Earl of Argyll. The employment was popular amongst the Catholics, and in a few days the whole number required was ready to cross the sea.2

Both at this time and at a later period it was the settled conviction of the English people that Ferdinand was not in earnest in his desire for peace; and if it is meant by this, that he had no desire for a peace to which Frederick would have been willing to submit, the charge is undoubtedly correct. He had made up his mind to the transference of the Electorate as an act to which he was bound by his promise to Maximilian, and by his duty to the interests of the Catholic Church, and he therefore took good care to warn the Infanta that she was by no means to allow any question upon this point to be raised at Brussels. With regard to the restitution of Frederick's hereditary dominions, he had, in all probability, not come to any definite conclusion. As far as it is possible to discover his intentions from his private correspondence, it would seem that


to Meade, April 12, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 168.

2 Locke to Carleton, April 6, 20, S. P. Dom. cxxix. 7, 50. Salvetti's News-Letters, April



15 22


if Frederick had been willing to submit to his terms, to engage to give guarantees that he would abstain from hostilities for the future, and to accept the subordinate position which the old constitutional theory allotted to the Princes of the Empire, he would willingly have given way. On the other hand, in common with all reasonable men at the time, he had a strong opinion that Frederick would do nothing of the sort, and he sometimes expressed himself as if he was resolved upon continuing the war whatever might happen.


In the meanwhile, however, Mansfeld was playing his old game in Alsace. With all gravity he was negotiating with Raville, an emissary from Brussels, an engagement Mansfeld's by which he promised to change sides for the conintrigues. sideration of a large sum of money for his troops, and of high honours for himself; purposing all the while, as he informed Vere, 'to keep off that side from further levies by the hope they have of his turning unto them.'1

From Mansfeld's mode of carrying on war, Vere at least expected but little good. "His means," he wrote, on April 1, Military grow here so short that he can subsist very little Whither he will direct himself


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longer in these parts.

is to himself, I believe, most uncertain; but most conceive it must be where he may find least opposition." 2

It was a dangerous policy in the face of the enemy whom he was now to confront. Tilly's soldiers, indeed, were not the Tilly in the orderly and inoffensive warriors which it has pleased Palatinate. partisan writers to represent them. They, too, knew full well how to burn villages and to cut the throats of innocent peasants; but in comparison with the hordes who followed Mansfeld's banner, their discipline was perfect. Tolerably paid, and with supplies from the rear at their disposal, the Bavarian army was under no necessity of roaming about in search of plunder. Nor was its commander a man who was likely to march where there was least opposition.' Thoroughly convinced of the goodness of the cause for which he was fighting,

1 Vere to Calvert, March 15, S. P. Germany.

2 Vere to Calvert, April 1, ibid.


April. His military position.



Tilly united to those military qualities which raised him to a place amongst the most consummate generals of the age a rare single-mindedness and honesty of purpose. Believing that the cause of order and peace was entrusted to his keeping, he had devoted his life to the suppression of that anarchy which was in his eyes the worst of crimes. Yet, if his bearing was firm, he did not underrate the strength of his opponents. To the south of the post which he had taken up between the Odenwald and the Rhine lay the two strong fortresses of Heidelberg and Mannheim, whilst the western side of the great river was guarded by Frankenthal. Behind these positions Mansfeld could operate in security, having the bishopric of Spires and the Austrian lands in Alsace at his mercy. Beyond the Main, Christian of Brunswick, who had been repulsed in the winter, was again gathering his forces and hanging upon his rear. If the States of the dissolved Union should listen, as was by no means unlikely, to Mansfeld's voice-if Baden, Würtemberg, Hesse-Cassel, and the Protestant towns should spring to arms—the forces which could be brought against him would be overwhelming. To make matters worse, he was by no means certain of the cordial cooperation of his Spanish allies. Ever since the prospect of a suspension of arms had been opened, Cordova, acting no doubt by instructions from Brussels, had been turning a deaf ear to the demands for aid which had been addressed to him by the Bavarian commander.


Against these dangers Tilly was able to oppose his own military skill, a well-disciplined army, and the advantages of a central position. Yet all this would have availed him nothing but for the moral superiority of his cause. Nowhere in Germany could the slightest In the Protestant

Moral and political

question at


enthusiasm for Frederick be discovered. States men might fear the consequences of a Catholic victory, but they feared disorder and organised plunder more. The authority which Ferdinand would exercise might be a stern

1 See the calculations of Maximilian in his letter to the Emperor, Jan. Hurter, Gesch, Ferdinands II. ix. 633.



one; the religion which would follow in its train might be utterly unacceptable; but the immediate danger did not lie there. The pretensions of Frederick to meddle with Bohemia had never yet been publicly renounced, and it was felt that those pretensions carried with them the germs of an interminable war. Protestants who had long grumbled against the interference of the Emperor in religious disputes shrank from giving support to an opposition which proclaimed no law but that of the strongest, and to a prince who had collected round his standard a band of hungry adventurers, who were utterly unable to support themselves except by pillaging their neighbours. The price which Germany was called upon to pay for ridding itself of the Imperial authority may well have seemed too high. From henceforth, if Frederick were victorious, every petty prince would know that if he wished for honour and distinction, he had nothing to do but to gather round him a band of hardy ruffians, and to live at his ease amidst the despair of plundered citizens and the agony of burning towns.

To all this Frederick was as blind as ever. He could not see that the one hope for his cause lay in the possibility of disentangling the prospects of Protestantism from the progress of anarchy. If he could do this a mightier Union than that which had sunk ingloriously the year before would arise to support him. The great Protestant States of the North would stand forward as one man to defend the cause of religious independence and political order. With a war such as that which was being waged by Mansfeld and Christian, they would have nothing to do.


To the hopeful predictions which reached him from time to time from Mansfeld's camp, Frederick's ears were ever open. Now that so great an army was gathered round his goes to the standard, he thought it was time to show himself in the field. Issuing a manifesto calling the princes of Germany to arms,' he suddenly left the Hague. Making his way across France in disguise, he unexpectedly appeared, on April 2, in Mansfeld's camp at Germersheim. He found

Theatrum Europæum, i. 622.




the commander in earnest conversation with Raville, and арраrently about to conclude a convention which would have placed his whole army at the Infanta's disposal. Mansfeld, as he had probably intended from the beginning, announced to the astonished emissary that all negotiations must now be at an end.



James had given a hearty consent to the journey of his sonin-law, under the impression that he would be able to exercise authority over Mansfeld, and would forbid him from and Mans- hindering the prospects of the conference by any attack upon the neighbouring States. Yet to suppose that Frederick could do anything of the sort was to misunderstand utterly the character of the man, and the conditions under which Mansfeld's army could be maintained. Frederick's first words upon his arrival at Germersheim had shown how little he thought of anything but war. "I will have nothing to do with a suspension of arms," he said, turning to Raville as he spoke, "for that will be my ruin. I must have either a good peace or a good war." 1 Nor did he want allies. The Margrave of Baden rose at his summons, and the combined forces marched to attack Tilly, who had already opened the campaign by a series of assaults upon the smaller posts by which Heidelberg was surrounded.

Mansfeld takes the field.

If Frederick had been at the head of a well-disciplined and well-commanded force, such a step would have been the best for him to take. His subjects were being butchered almost before his eyes, and it was certain that he would have a better chance of being listened to in the approaching negotiations if he could present himself as undisputed master in his own dominions. It was not long before the unhappy prince was taught by bitter experience what was the meaning of making war with Mansfeld in com

April 21

1 The Infanta Isabella to Philip IV., May 1

Brussels MSS.

2 Theatrum Europæum, i. 621. "At one place taken by Tilly, we hear that half the citizens were also slain; the rest for the most part wounded to death. Many women and children were also slain. The women did great hurt by throwing of hot scalding water." Advertisement, April 19, S. P. Germany.

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