The Increa

probably, moderately, and briefly; without deducing these Fears to prefent Occurrences; but point only at general Grounds, leaving the rest to more fecret Counfels.

Is it nothing, that the Crown of Spain has enlarged its Bounds, within fing Power of this laft fix-fcore Years, much more than the Ottomans? I speak not of Spain. Matches or Unions, but of Arms, Occupations, and Invafions. Granada, Naples, Milan, Portugal, the East and West-Indies; all these are actual Additions to that Crown. They had a mind to French Britain, and the lower part of Picardy and Piedmont; but they have let fall their Bit. They have, at this Day, fuch a hovering Poffeffion of the Valtoline, as a Hobby has over a Lark; and the Palatinate is in their Talons: fo that nothing is more manifeft, than that Spain runs a Race of Empire; whilst all other States of Christendom in effect stand still. Look next into the Titles whereby they have acquired, and now hold thefe new Portions of their Crown; and you will find them of fo many Varieties, and fuch Natures, as may, to speak with due refpect, be easily minted; and fuch as. can hardly at any time be wanting: and, therefore, fo many new Conquefts and Purchases; so many Strokes of the Alarum-Bell of Fear, and awaking to other Nations. And the Facility of the Titles, which hand over head have served their turn, rings the Peal fo much the fharper and the louder. The Eye of 21. Shall we defcend from their general Difpofition of enlarging their Spain upon Dominions, to the particular Difpofition and Eye of Appetite, which England, from without. they have had towards us? They have now twice fought to poffefs themfelves of this Kingdom of England; once by Marriage with Queen Mary, and again by Conqueft in eighty-eight; when their Forces by Sea and Land were not inferior to those they have now. And at that time, the Counsel and Design of Spain was by many Advertisements reveal'd and laid open to be, that they found the War upon the Low-Countries fo churlish and tedious, that they grew to a Refolution, that as long as England remain'd able to fuccour thofe Countries, they fhould but confume themselves in an endless War; and therefore there was no other way, but to invade and deprefs England, which was as a Back of Steel to the Flemmings. And who can warrant that the fame Counsel and Design will not return again? So that we are in a strange Dilemma of Danger: for if we fuffer the Flemmings to be ruined; they are our Out-work, and we fhall remain naked and dismantled: if we fuccour them ftrongly, as we ought, and fet them upon their Feet, and do not withal weaken Spain, we hazard changing the Scene of the War, and turning it upon Ireland or England: like Rheums and Defluxions, which, if you apply a strong Repercuffive to the Part affected, and do not take away the Caufe, will fhift and foon fall upon another. They have alfo twice invaded Ireland; once under the Pope's Banner, when they were defeated by the Lord Gray: and afterwards in their own Name, when they were defeated by the Lord Mountjoy. And let this fuffice for a Taste of their Difpofition towards us.

22. But it will be faid, this is an Almanack for the old Year: fince eightyeight all has been well; and that Spain has not invaded this Kingdom, tho

highly provoked by two several Invasions from us. 'Tis true; but then confider, that immediately after eighty-eight, they were long embroil'd in the Protection of the League of France, whereby they had their Hands full: and after being brought extreme low, by their vaft and continual Enterprizes, they were forced to be quiet, that they might take Breath, and make Reparations upon their former Wastes. But now of late, things seem to come on apace to their former State; nay, with far greater Difadvantage to us: for now that they have almost continued, and, as it were, arched their Dominions from Milan, by the Valtoline and Palatinate, to the Low-Countries; we fee how they thirft and pant after the utter Ruin of thofe States; having the German Nation almoft in Contempt, and fearing little Oppofition, except from England: whereby either we must fuffer the Dutch to be ruined, to our manifeft Prejudice; or put it to the hazard that Spain will throw at the fairest.

23. Neither is the Point of internal Danger, which grows upon us, to Their Practibe forgot; viz. that the Papifts in England are become more knotted, ces within. both in Dependance towards Spain, and among themselves, than they have been. Where again comes to be remember'd the Cafe of eighty-eight; for then also it appear'd by diverse secret Letters, that the Defign of Spain was, for fome Years before the Invafion, to prepare a Party in this Kingdom that should adhere to the Foreigner at his coming. And they bragged that they doubted not but to abuse, and lay asleep, the Queen and Council of England, as to their having any fear of the Papifts here; for they knew, they faid, the State would caft but an Eye, and look about to fee, whether there were any eminent Head of that Party, under whom it might unite itself; and finding none worth the thinking on, reft fecure, and take no Apprehenfion; whereas they meant, they faid, to deal with the People, and Particulars, by Reconcilements, and Confeffions, and fecret Promises, and regarded not Heads of Party.

24. And this was the true Reason, why after that the Seminaries began to bloffom, and to make Miffions into England, which was about the three and twentieth Year of Queen Elizabeth, (at which time alfo was the first Sufpicion of the Spanish Invafion,) then, and not before, grew the sharp and fevere Laws against the Papifts. And therefore the Papists may do well to change their Thanks; and as they thank Spain for their Favours, thank them for their Dangers and Miseries, if they fhould fall upon them: for nothing ever made their Cafe so bad as the Hope of the Greatnefs of Spain; which adding Reafon of State to Matter of Confcience and Religion, whet the Laws against them. And this Cafe alfo feems to return again, at this time; except the 'Clemency of his Majefty, and the State, fuper-abound; as, for my part, I wish it fhould and that the Proceedings towards them may rather tend to Security, and Provifion, and Point of State, than to Perfecution for Religion. But to conclude; these things, briefly touched, may ferve as in a Subject conjectural and future, to reprefent how juft a Caufe of Fear this Kingdom may have of Spain: omitting, as was faid before, all prefent and more fecret Occurrences.

25. The

War.

Sect. I. The third III. 25. The third Ground of a War with Spain, I have fet down to be, Ground of the a juft Fear of the Subverfion of our Church and Religion. This Point needs not to be long dwelt upon: For if the War be defenfive, as I have prov'd it to be, no Man will doubt, that a defenfive War against a Foreigner for Religion is lawful. Of an offenfive War, there is more Difpute. But no Man will doubt, if the Pope, or King of Spain, fhould demand us to forfake our Religion upon Pain of a War, whether it were as unjust a Demand, as the Perfians made to the Grecians of Land and Water; or the Ammonites to the Ifraelites of their right Eyes. And we fee all the Heathens ftyled their defenfive Wars, pro aris & focis; placing their Altars before their Hearths. So that 'tis in vain to fpeak farther of this. Only we must say, that the Fear of the Subverfion of our Religion from Spain, is the more juft, because all other Catholick Princes and States content themselves to maintain their Religion within their own Dominions, and meddle not with the Subjects of other States; whereas the Practice of Spain has been, both in Charles the Fifth's time, and in the time of the League in France, by War, and now with us by Conditions of Treaty, to intermeddle with foreign States; and to declare themselves Protectors General of the Catholicks, all over the World. As if the Crown of Spain intended to plant the Pope's Law by Arms; as the Ottomans do the Law of Mahomet. And thus much concerning the firft main Point, of justifying the Quarrel.

The Forces ballanced betwixt Spain

and Britain.

I.

T

Of the FORCE requifite to a WAR.

HE fecond main Part of what I propofe, is to balance the Forces between Spain and us. And this alfo tends to no more than what the King may do. For what he may do, is of two kinds: what he may do as juft; and what he may do as poffible. Of the one I have already fpoke; and of the other I am now to fpeak.

Spain not an 2. I faid Spain was no fuch Giant: and yet if he were a Giant, it will Over-match be but as between David and Goliath; for God is on our fide. But to leave all for England. Arguments that are fupernatural, and to speak in a human and politick Senfe, I am led to think that Spain is no Over-match for England, by that which leads all Men; viz. Experience and Reason. And with Experience I will begin; for there begins all Reason.

Shewn by Experience.

3. Is it Fortune, fhall we think, that in all Actions of War or Arms, great and small, which have happened these many Years, ever fince Spain and England have had Debates, that the English upon all Encounters have perpetually come off with Honour, and the better? 'Tis not Fortune fure; the is not fo conftant. There is fomewhat in the Nation, and natural Courage of the People, or fome fuch thing. I will make a brief Lift of the Particu

lars

lars themselves, in the ftrict Way of hiftorical Truth. This were a fit Speech, you will fay, for a General at the Head of an Army, going to join Battel: yes; and it is no lefs fit to be spoke at the Head of a Council, upon a Deliberation of Entring into a War. Neither do I fpeak this to difparage the Spanish Nation, which I take to be of the best Soldiers in Europe: But that redounds to our Honour, if we ftill have had the better of them.

4. In the Year 1578, was that famous Lammas-day which buried the The Battel of Reputation of Don John of Auftria; himself not furviving long after. Rimenant, Don John, being fuperior in Forces, affifted by the Prince of Parma, Mon-in 1578. dragon, Manfell, and other the beft Commanders of Spain, confident of Victory, charged the Army of the States near Rimenant, bravely and furioufly at the first; but after a Fight maintain'd for the Space of a whole Day, he was repulfed, and forced to retreat, with great Slaughter of his Men; whereby the Course of his farther Enterprizes was wholly ftopped and this chiefly by the Courage and Virtue of the English and Scotifh Troops, under the Conduct of Sir John Norris, and Sir Robert Stuart. Which Troops came to the Army but the Day before; harraffed with a long and wearisome March: when the Soldiers, more fenfible of a little Heat of the Sun, than of any cold Fear of Death, threw afide their Armour and fought in their Shirts. And as it was generally conceived, had it not been that the Count of Bofu was flack in charging the Spaniards upon their Retreat, this Fight had ended in an abfolute Defeat. But it was enough to chaftize Don John for his infidious Treaty of Peace, wherewith he had abufed the States at his first coming. And the Fortune of the Day may be the better ascribed to the Service of the English and Scotch, by comparing this Charge near Rimenant, where the English and Scotch were in great Numbers, with the like Charge given by Don John, half a Year before at Gemblours, where the Succefs was contrary: there being at that time in the Army but a Handful of English and Scotch; and they put into Confufion by their own Horse.

5. The first Dart of War, which was thrown from Spain or Rome, upon Ireland inthe Kingdom of Ireland, was in the Year 1580; for the Design of Stukely vaded by the blew over into Africk; and the Attempt of Sanders and Fitz-Maurice had a Pope, in 1580. Spice of Madness. In that Year Ireland was invaded by Spanish and Italian Forces, under the Pope's Banner, and the Conduct of San Jofepho, to the Number of 700, or more, who landed at Smerwick in Kerry. A poor Number it was to conquer Ireland to the Pope's Ufe; for their Design was no lefs but withal they brought Arms for 5000 Men above their own Number, intending to arm fo many of the Rebels of Ireland. And their Purpose was, to fortify themselves in fome ftrong Place of the wild and defolate Country, and there to neftle till greater Succours came; they being haften'd to this Enterprize upon a fpecial Reason of State, not proper to the Enterprize itself; which was by the Invafion of Ireland, and the Noise thereof, to trouble the Council of England; and to make a Diversion of certain Aids, that were then preparing from hence for the Low Countries. They chofe a Place where they erected a Fort, which they called Fort del Or; and VO L. II. from

Аа

The Retreat

1582.

from thence they bolted like Beasts of the Foreft, fometimes into the Woods and Faftneffes; and fometimes back again to their Den. Soon after, Siege was laid to the Fort, by the Lord Gray, then Deputy, with a smaller Number than those within the Fort; adventurously indeed: but hafte was made to attack them before the Rebels came in to them. After a Siege of four Days only, and two or three Sallies, with lofs on their part, they who should have made good the Fort for fome Months, till now Succours came from Spain, or at least from the Rebels of Ireland, yielded themselves without Conditions. And as there were not in the English Army enough to keep every Man a Prisoner; and as alfo the Deputy expected inftantly to be attacked by the Rebels; and again, as there were no Barks to put them into, and fend them away by Sea; they were all put to the Sword: with which Queen Elizabeth was afterwards much displeased.

6. In the Year 1582, was that memorable Retreat of Gaunt; than which of Gaunt, in there has not been an Exploit of War more celebrated. For in the true Judgment of military Men, honourable Retreats are no way inferior to brave Charges; as having lefs of Fortune; more of Difcipline; and as much of Valour. There were to the Number of three hundred Horse, and as many thousand Foot, English, commanded by Sir John Norris, charged by the Prince of Parma, coming upon them with feven thoufand Horfe; befides that the whole Army of the Spaniards was ready to march. Nevertheless, Sir John Norris maintained a Retreat without Difarray, for the space of fome Miles, to the City of Gaunt, with lefs Lofs of Men than the Enemy: the Duke of Anjou, and the Prince of Orange, beholding this noble Action from the Walls of Gaunt, as in a Theatre, with great Admiration.

The Taking of 7. In the Year 1585, followed the profperous Expedition of Drake and Carthagena, Carlile into the Weft-Indies; in which I fet afide the taking of S. Jago in 1585. and S. Domingo in Hifpaniola, as Surprizes rather than Encounters. But that of Carthagena, where the Spaniards had warning of our coming, and had put themselves in their full Strength, was one of the hottest Services, and most dangerous Affaults, that has been known. For the Accefs of the Town was only by a Neck of Land, between the Sea on the one part, and the Harbour-Water, or inner Sea, on the other; fortified clear over with a ftrong Rampart and Barricado; fo that upon the Afcent of our Men, they had both great Ordnance and fmall Shot, that thundered and shower'd upon them from the Rampart in the Front, and from the Gallies that lay at Sea in Flank. And yet they forced the Paffage, and won the Town'; tho likewife very well mann'd.

Sir Francis

gainst the

8. As to the Expedition of Sir Francis Drake in the Year 1587, for deDrake's Ex- ftroying of the Spanish Shipping and Provifion upon their own Coaft; as pedition a- I cannot fay that there intervened in that Enterprize any fharp Fight, or Spaniards, in Encounter; fo nevertheless it strangely discovered, either that Spain is very weak at home, or very flow to move; when they fuffered a small Fleet of English to make an hoftile Invafion, or Incurfion, upon their Havens and Roads, from Cadiz to Capa Sacra, and thence to Cafcais; and to

1587.