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public point of view. It shows the utility that may be derived from a class of people who have hitherto been lost to their native country, and abandoned to their fate in a foreign land. Though of little service as manufacturers, it proves that they may be made excellent colonists; and that our North American possessions may be peopled and brought into cultivation, without introducing into them men whose manners and principles are so repugnant to our own constitution and government, as those which are prevalent among the natives of the United States.

Of the possibility of inducing the Highlanders to go to our own colonies, I presume that no further doubt can be entertained; and I cannot help flattering myself that no immaterial progress has already been made towards this object. In some considerable districts, the current appears already to be decidedly turned. How far the example of these may operate on other parts of the country, time only can show; but it can scarcely admit of a doubt, that some further

exertion in the same line might secure to our own colonies, all those among our countrymen who cannot be retained in the kingdom.

This, however, is an object which cannot be accomplished by the unsupported exertions of any individual. The experiment that has been detailed may perhaps be useful as a preparatory step, and serve to point out the principles on which effectual national measures might be grounded—measures which, if followed up on an extensive scale while the object is within our reach, might secure to the empire most important advantages. Whether these are to be sacrificed from a deference to the prejudices of individuals, or to be attained by an adequate and timely effort, must rest with those to whom the interests of the nation are more particularly intrusted.


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appears from the State Trials held after the suppression of the rebellion in 1715, that the earl of Winton, whose estate in Lothian stood among the first in the list of forfeitures, had joined the rebel army with fourteen men: Highland chieftains even of middling rank had on the same occasion brought along with them three, four, or five hundred. In like manner in the year 1745 the military force of the rebels was entirely raised by the Highland proprietors, though of the estates forfeited on that occasion those in the Lowlands were at least one half of the value. Pennant mentions this, and at the same time observes the small amount of the whole.-' The power and ' interest,' he says, of poor twelve thousand per annum terrified and nearly subverted the constitution of these 'powerful kingdoms.'

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Of the estates to which he alludes, those in the Highlands may now be valued at about 80,000l. a year, including two or three which escaped forfeiture from accidental circumstances, though the proprietors were engaged in the rebellion. The military force of the rebels appears never to have exceeded five thousand men. There are various documents, partly traditional, which ascertain the number of men which particular chiefs could bring out previous to that æra; and on comparing them with the present value of their estates, the proportion appears to be in general between ten and fifteen pounds for every


This sum is not far from the yearly expense of a farm


servant in the North of Scotland. In the Agricultural Survey of the Northern Counties drawn up in 1793, for the Board of Agriculture, the total expense of wages and maintenance for an able-bodied workman is computed at 91. 10s. for the whole year. Since the date of that publication some advance has taken place; to what exact amount I am not informed, but probably about 25 or 30 per cent.

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To those who are not familiar with the antient history of Scotland, these observations on the former state of the Highlands will be illustrated by a reference to Buchanan's History of the Feuds and Conflicts of the Clans, to Martin's History of the Western Isles, and to Mr. Home's History of the Rebellion in 1745, particularly the introductory chapters: many anecdotes are also interspersed through Pennant's Tours. These books being in general circulation, particular quotations are unnecessary; but the inquisitive reader may be glad to see a few passages from some publications of the period referred to, and which are not so generally known.

In a pamphlet published immediately after the suppression of the rebellion in 1745, entitled "Superiorities dis"played, or Scotland's Grievance by reason of the Slavish "Dependence of the People upon their Great Men," is the following passage:

With respect to this and other depredations committed by the Highlanders, the first parliament after the Revolution sent up their grievances to king William, desiring a redress of them; whereof this was one:"That an effectual course may be taken to repress the "depredations and robberies committed by the High

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