trade or in another place, without the fear either of a prosecution or of a removal, and neither the public nor individuals will fuffer much more from the occafional disbanding some particular classes of manufacturers, than from that of foldiers. Our manufacturers have no doubt great merit with their country, but they cannot have more than those who defend it with their blood, nor deserve to be treated with more delicacy.

To expect, indeed, that the freedom of trade should ever be entirely restored in Great Britain, is as absurd as to expect that an Oceana or Utopia should ever be established in it. Not only the prejudices of the public, but what is much more unconquerable, the private interests_of many individuals, irresistibly oppose it. Were the officers of the army to oppose with the same zeal and unanimity any reduction in the number of forces, with which master manufacturers set themselves against every law that is likely to increase the number of their rivals in the home market; were the former to animate their soldiers, in the same manner as the latter inflame their workmen, to attack with violence and outrage the proposers of any fuch regulation; to attempt to reduce the army would be as dangerous as it has now become to attempt to diminish in any respect the monopoly which our manufacturers have obtained against us. This monopoly has fo much increased the number of fome particular tribes of them, that like an over-grown standing army, they have become formidable to the government, and upon

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many occafions intimidate the legislature. The member of parliament who supports every proposal for strengthening this monopoly, is sure to acquire not only the reputation of understanding trade, but great popularity and influence with an order of men whose numbers and wealth render them of great importance. If he opposes them, on the contrary, and still more if he has authority enough to be able to thwart them, neither the most acknowledged probity, nor the highest rank, nor the greatest public services can protect him from the most infamous abuse and detraction, from personal infults, nor sometimes from real danger, arising from the infolent outrage of furious and disappointed monopolists.

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The undertaker of a great manufacture who, by the home markets being suddenly laid open to the competition of foreigners, should be obliged to abandon his trade, would no doubt fuffer very confiderably. That part of his capital which had usually been employed in purchasing materials and in paying his workmen, might, without much difficulty, perhaps, find another employment. But that part of it which was fixed in workhouses, and in the instruments of trade, could scarce be disposed of without confiderable lofs. The equitable regard, therefore, to his interest requires that changes of this kind should never be introduced suddenly, but slowly, gradually, and after a very long warning. The legislature, were it possible that its deliberations could be always

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directed, not by the clamorous importunity of

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partial interests, but by an extensive view of the general good, ought upon this very account, perhaps, to be particularly careful neither to establish any new monopolies of this kind, nor to extend further those which are already established. Every fuch regulation introduces some degree of real disorder into the constitution of the state, which it will be difficult afterwards to cure without occafioning another disorder.

How far it may be proper to increase taxes upon the importation of foreign goods, in order, not to prevent their importation, but to raise a revenue for government, I shall confider hereafter when I come to treat of taxes. Taxes imposed with a view to prevent, or even to diminish importation, are evidently as destructive of the revenue of the customs as of the freedom of trade.

CHAP. III.

Of the extraordinary Restraints upon the importation of Goods of almost all kinds, from those Countries with which the Balance is supposed to be difadvantageous.

PART I.

Of the Unreasonableness of those Restraints even upon. the Principles of the Commercial System.

To lay extraordinary restraints upon the im

portation of goods of almost all kinds from those particular countries with which the balance of trade is supposed to be disadvantageous, is the second expedient by which the commercial system proposes to increase the quantity of gold and filver. Thus in Great Britain, Silefia lawns may be imported for home confumption, upon paying certain duties. But French cambrics and lawns are prohibited to be imported, except into the port of London, there to be warehoused for exportation. Higher duties are imposed upon the wines of France than upon those of Portugal, or indeed of any other country. By what is called the impost 1692, a duty of five-and-twenty per cent., of the rate or value, was laid upon all French goods; while the goods of other nations were, the greater part of them, fubjected to much lighter duties, seldom exceeding five per cent

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The wine, brandy, falt and vinegar of France were indeed excepted; these commodities being subjected to other heavy duties, either by other laws, or by particular clauses of the fame law. In 1696, a second duty of twenty-five per cent., the first not having been thought a sufficient difcouragement, was imposed upon all French goods, except brandy; together with a new duty of fiveand-twenty pounds upon the ton of French wine, and another of fifteen pounds upon the ton of French vinegar. French goods have never been omitted in any of those general subsidies, or duties of five per cent., which have been imposed upon all, or the greater part of the goods enumerated in the book of rates. If we count the one third and two third subsidies as making a compleat subsidy between them, there have been five of these general subsidies; so that before the commencement of the present war seventy - five per cent. may be confidered as the lowest duty, to which the greater part of the goods of the growth, produce, or manufacture of France were liable. But upon the greater part of goods, those duties are equivalent to a prohibition. The French in their turn have, I believe, treated our goods and manufactures just as hardly; though I am not so well acquainted with the particular hardships which they have imposed upon them. Thofe mutual restraints have put an end to almost all fair commerce between the two nations, and fmugglers are now the principal importers, either of British goods into France, or of French goods