Personally I agree with his account of the needed remedy; it makes little difference, however, for purposes of my illustration whether anyone else agrees or not. The situation is one which is real; and it calls for some kind of constructive social planning. Our existing human intercourse requires some kind of a mechanism which it has not got. We may drift along till the evil gets intolerable, and then take some accidental way out, or we may plan in advance.

Another similar illustration is the condition in which neutral countries find themselves at the present time. They are in the position of the public when there is a strike on the part of streetrailway employees. The corporation and the employees fight it out between themselves and the public suffers and has nothing to say. Now it ought to be clear that, as against contending nations, the nations not at war have the superior right in every case-not by any merit of theirs, usually only by accident. But nevertheless in the existing situation they are the representatives of the normal interests of mankind, and so are in the right against even the contending party that with respect to other contenders is most nearly in the right. But if the present situation makes anything clear, it is that there is almost a total lack of any machinery by which the factors which continue to represent civilization may make their claims effective. We are quite right in prizing such beggarly elements of international law as exist; but it is evidence of the conservative or laissez-faire mind that we cling so desperately to the established tradition and wait for new laws to be struck out by the accident of clash and victory, instead of setting ourselves in deliberate consultation to institute the needed laws of the intercourse of nations.

The illustration may be made more specific. It was comparatively easy to unify the sentiment of the nation when previous international custom was violated by the sinking of the Lusitania. It would not be very difficult to inflame that sentiment, in the name of a combination of defense of national honor and defense

of international custom, to the point of war. But it is always defense, mind you; every war is ipso facto defensive on the part of everybody nowadays. And defense is always retrospective and conservative, even when most offensive. A proposition to call for a conference of nations which would formulate what their rights are henceforth to be, whatever they may have been in the past, would be a constructive use of intelligence. But it would hardly call forth at present the enthusiastic acclaim of the public and consequently makes no great appeal to the political authorities who are dependent upon the support of the populace.

One more illustration from the international situation. The relative failure of international socialism in the present crisis has been sufficiently noted, with grief by some, with ill-disguised glee by others. But the simple fact of the case is that at present workingmen have more to gain from their own national state in the way of legislative and administrative concessions than they have from some other state, or from any international organization. That they should make use of war to strengthen their claims for concessions from the only power which can make these concessions is but to be human. When the day dawns when the workingmen have more to gain in the way of justice from an international organization than from a purely national one, that day war will become an impossibility. But it is easier to try to do away with war by appeal to personal sentiment than it is to strive to institute even the first steps of any such organization - futile in comparison as the former method must prove.

I hope these remarks at least illustrate what is meant by the dependence of progress upon a foreseeing and contriving intelligence as well as what is meant by saying that it is a retail job. I can only point out the need, so far as they coincide in the further interests of peace with the interest of progress, of an international commerce commission; of an international tariff board; of an international board for colonies and one for the

supervision of relations with those backward races which have not as yet been benevolently, or otherwise, assimilated by the economically advanced peoples. Such things are not counsels of perfection. They are practical possibilities as soon as it is genuinely recognized that the guarantee of progress lies in the perfecting of social mechanisms corresponding to specific needs.

THE PLACE OF AGRICULTURE IN HIGHER

EDUCATION1

L. H. BAILEY

THE subject may be approached from one or both of two diverse points of view, from the side of the general social welfare, and from the side of the technical content of a course for the higher education in agriculture. I am most interested at present in the former, although the effectiveness of any education by means of agriculture must depend on the soundness of its organization in any institution, the carefulness of its processes, and the enthusiasm of its execution.

We are gradually passing to higher levels and to broader views of life. Educational procedure is keeping step with this onward movement and is constantly readjusting itself to conditions. That is, to-day education is becoming a real part of life.

Education has not always been a real part of life. It has not related itself to the workaday affairs of men and women.. It has not been a real vestibule to the activity and accomplishment of adulthood. In making these statements, I intend no disparagement of the educational policy and procedure of our former days. I am speaking from the point of view of the evolution of human institutions. Our older educational method made strong and staunch men, but it did not give us the technical knowledge that we needed to conquer a continent or a world and to make the best use of it. School and life have been at variance.

1 Copyright. Reprinted from Education by permission of the Palmer Company.

Whatever may have been the theory, it has been the practice that education is the privilege of the special and advantaged classes, of those who have risen out of the general human mass, and who all too often have stood solidly on the backs of the subject peoples. This has necessarily been so; and yet during all these many centuries the common people in their own places in all the ways and byways of the world have been calling bitterly for help.

It seems to be a temper of the human mind to desire those things and to endeavor to reach those states that lie far beyond the common life of the common day. We set our affections on things remote. We have desired to be translated, even from the days when the followers of Dionysus projected themselves into other states until the present time; and yet we live in a real world of actualities and of common things. If we are to make this real world mean very much to us we must put ourselves in vibration with it and be prepared to receive the most from it; and if we are to effectualize the lives of others, we must open their minds to the meaning of the common world in which they live. Even if we are thinking chiefly of the world to come, we really cannot prepare ourselves effectively for it without becoming a real and willing part of the very conditions in which we live.

The world is gradually coming to this point of view. We have practically left the old definition of "culture" as the end-all and be-all. We are now educating our people for efficiency and capability. We are escaping our bonds. We are rising beyond the narrowness and poverty of old educational systems.

We shall not lose the old. If the old will no longer constitute the whole, it will still contribute its part in the development of the race, and I think in its redirected forms will be absolutely more important than it has ever been in the past. We are escaping educational manners and attitudes, and, however we -define it, we really believe that an educated man is not determined by the particular route through which he has come, but