1621

THE DISCUSSION IN THE COUNCIL.

265

last, when the Christmas festivities were over, he made up his mind. He would be every inch a king. No tongue Dec. 30. The King should move in England but by his permission. On destroys the protestation. the 30th of December he came to Whitehall, sent for the journals of the House, and in the presence of the Council and of the Judges, tore out with his own hands the obnoxious page on which the protestation was written.1 Seven years before he had presided over the operation of burning the written arguments with which the leaders of the Commons were prepared to assail his claim to levy impositions without consent of Parliament, and he had heard no more about the impositions. He hoped now that he would hear no more about liberty of speech.

Dissolution

of Parliament decided on.

Although after such an act as this there could hardly be any further question whether Parliament should be dissolved or not, James affected to seek the advice of his Council. There was, indeed, one argument against a dissolution by which the King was touched most nearly. The Subsidy Bill had not passed, and the Exchequer would be the poorer by 70,000l. Yet so decidedly had James. declared his wishes, that no one ventured openly to oppose them. For some time the Councillors sat gloomily regarding one another in silence. At last Pembroke's voice was heard. "The King," he said, "has declared his will; it is therefore our business not to dispute but to vote." "If you wish to contradict the King," replied Buckingham, tauntingly, "you are at liberty to do so, and to give your reasons. If I could find any reasons I would do so myself, even though the King is present." Pembroke held his tongue. The assent of the Council was given in silence to a measure which they justly felt to be now inevitable. As soon as the decision had been taken, Buckingham hurried to Gondomar, to congratulate him on the result.2

With mingled scorn and exultation, the Spaniard had 1 Parliamentary History, i. 1362.

6

2 After the King had declared his intention, ninguno se atrebió á contradizelle, mas de que el Conde de Pembruc, Comerero Mayor, gran Puritano, dijo que havia que votar no disputar, pues el Rey havia declarado

been watching day by day this pitiable exhibition. "It is Gondomar's certain," he wrote, a day or two after the adjourntriumph. ment, "that the King will never summon another Parliament as long as he lives, or at least not another composed as this one was. It is the best thing that has happened in the interests of Spain and the Catholic religion since Luther began to preach heresy a hundred years ago. The King will no longer be able to succour his son-in-law, or to hinder the advance of the Catholics. It is true that this wretched people are desperately offended against him; but they are without union amongst themselves, and have neither leaders nor strong places to lean upon. Besides, they are rich and live comfortably in their houses; so that it is not likely that there will be any disturbance." "The King," he wrote, a day or two later, seems at times deeply distressed at the resolution which he has taken to leave all and to attach himself to Spain. Yet he sighs deeply, and says that if he acts otherwise these Puritan malcontents will cause him to die miserably." 1

Even now James could not make up his mind to issue the proclamation dissolving Parliament. As the critical moment approached, he himself perhaps felt more keenly the importance of the step which he was about to take. Gondomar took good care to widen the breach between the King and the leaders of the House.2 He had lost no opportunity of urging

su voluntad, à que el Marques de Boquinguam replicó que, si queria contradezir á la voluntad del Rey, lo hiziese, y diese razones para ello ;—que él hiziera lo mismo si las hallara, aunque su Magestad se hallava ally presente; con que el Conde calló, y lo aprobó, y los demas; y luego vino el Marques a darme quenta de todo con gran gozo del subceso, y con razon, porque a sido la llave para abrir y obrar todo lo bueno que de aquí se puede esperar en servicio de Dios y de Vuestra Majestad sin oposicion, en que el Marques de Boquinguam á tenido gran parte, y merece muchas gracias.' Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. Simancas MSS. 2518, fol. 20.

21

31'

1 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella,

2558, fol. 7, II.

Dec. 22, 23, 162, Simancas MSS.

Jan. 1, 2

2 Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. fol. 29.

1621

PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED.

257

James to punish them for their insolence, and his efforts were unhappily crowned with success.

Imprisonment of Coke,

Coke was the first to be sent for. That a Privy Councillor should have done what he had done was a special cause for irritation. On December 27 he was committed a close prisoner to the Tower, and Sir Robert Cotton and two other persons were commissioned to search his papers. It was given out at first that he was not questioned for anything that he had done in Parliament, but it 1622. was impossible long to keep up the deception. In a few days two other members of the House, Phelips, and Mallory. who had been foremost in the onslaught upon Spain, and Mallory, of whose special offence we are ignorant, followed Coke to the Tower.1 Pym was also ordered to place

January.

of Phelips

Treatment of Pym,

himself in confinement in his own house in London. Three months later he was allowed, on the plea of ill health, to exchange the place of his restraint for his country house in Somerset.2

For Sir Dudley Digges and one or two others a punishment was invented against which they would find it difficult to of Digges, complain. They were named members of a comand others. mission which was about to be sent over to investigate the grievances of Ireland. It is true that their expenses were to be paid; but James judged rightly that they would prefer keeping Christmas amongst their families, at their own expense, to a compulsory tour in the depth of winter amongst the Irish bogs.

After the imprisonment of Phelips and Mallory all James's hesitation was at an end. In spite of Pembroke's renewed Parliament entreaties, the proclamation dissolving Parliament dissolved. appeared on January 6. That day had almost been the last of James's reign. Riding in the park at Theobalds in the afternoon, his horse threw him into the New River, so that 'nothing but his boots were seen.' Sir Richard Young jumped

1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 4, 1622. Locke to Carleton, Jan. 12, S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 8, 26. The three prisoners, as will be seen, were released in the following August.

2 Council Register, April 20, 1622.

He was well enough to

into the water and pulled him out. ride home, was put into a warm bed, and got up the next day none the worse for the accident.

James's

defence of

In the proclamation now issued, James attempted to throw the blame of what had happened on a few of the leaders of the Commons. "Some particular members," he said, "took such inordinate liberty not only to treat his conduct. of our high prerogative, and of sundry things that without our special direction were no fit subjects to be treated of in Parliament, but also to speak with less respect of foreign princes, our allies, than was fit for any subject to do of any anointed king though in enmity and hostility with us." They had disputed on 'words and syllables of' his letters, and they had claimed, 'in ambiguous and general words,' privileges which derogated from the rights of the Crown, possessed not only in the times of earlier kings, 'but in the blessed reign of' his 'late predecessor, that renowned Queen, Elizabeth.'1

This at least must be conceded to James, that the rights which he claimed were rights of which, as he said, 'he found his crown actually possessed.' Unfortunately for him, he could not see that the legacy which Elizabeth had left him was one of a nature to do him more harm than good.

Of all to whom the dissolution of Parliament brought anxiety and grief, there was not one who was more competent to Digby's estimate the ruinous consequences of James's blunder policy. than Digby. When he first returned from the Continent he soon discovered that his great designs would find no favour with Buckingham. One day, it is said, as he was speaking in the Council of the courtesy which he had received from the Emperor, the favourite expressed his astonishment that he had repaid it so ill. "When I receive courtesy as a private man," answered Digby, with that quiet dignity which never left him, "I strive to repay it by personal services; but, as a man of honour, I will never repay it at my master's cost." 2

1 Mead to Stuteville, Jan. 10. Meddus to Mead, Jan. 11, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 127, 129.

2 Tillières' despatch, Nov.

1621, Raumer, ii. 319.

1621

DIGBY'S STATESMANSHIP.

269

One attempt Digby had made to avert the catastrophe which he dreaded. On December 14 he had entreated the Lords to demand a conference with the Commons, with the object of pleading once more the imminence of the danger in Germany. If money, he said, had been sent liberally to the Palatinate, immediately upon his return, the whole face of affairs would have been changed. The Princes of the late Union, the Elector of Saxony, the Kings of Denmark and Sweden would have rallied to the standard set up in opposition to the encroachments of the Emperor. In the request thus urged the Lords at once acquiesced. It was now, however, too late, as Parliament had been adjourned before Digby could find an opportunity of stating his case to the Lower House.1

His vexation.

The dissolution of Parliament was a crushing blow to Digby. He at least knew better than to cherish the delusion which had imposed upon James. In conversation with those friends in whose secrecy he could confide, his language was most desponding. It had pleased the King, he said, to quarrel with his subjects, and not even to argue with them on the offers which they had made, with the intention of doing him all the service that he could desire. If he had listened to his Parliament, he might have laid down the law in Europe. As it was, he would have to obey the King of Spain; and he must not be surprised if, now that he had no other arms in his hands than supplications, his diplomacy turned out as badly at Madrid as it had done at Vienna. To James himself Digby conveyed the same lesson in a more courtly form. As long as there had been any doubt, he said, of the turn which affairs would take, he had recommended that England should remain on good terms with the enemies of Spain. Now, however, he must tell him that he would ruin himself if he did not place himself altogether in the hands of the Spanish Government.2

1 Parliamentary History, i. 1365. Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, Dec. 22 162, Simancas MSS. 2558, fol. 8.

Jan. 1

2 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, 2558, fol. 8.