the great Representative System which has been considered one of the most important improvements in the science of modern government, is in imminent danger of becoming one of the most insidious, dangerous, and powerful of all the instruments ever devised for introducing corruption into governments, and robbing mankind of their most substantial liberties. The veto power is not only Republican but strictly Democratic. It is an appeal to the people, and leaves to them the decision. We feel almost assured General Pierce will not shrink from the exercise of this great conservative power, and that he will be President in more than name. His right to veto a Law, is as clear as that of a representative body to pass it. It is indispensable to maintain the balance of the separate branches of the Government, and it brings home every great questions to the final decision of the People. We do not mean, by this, that the people should become legislators, because they have delegated that power to others, and unless, in the case of the organic law, can only indirectly influence legislation. But in all cases, not coming within the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, and bringing the two branches of government into direct collision, it is their province to decide between them by the exercise of their great fundamental prerogative of choosing their representatives. It was thus, and only thus, that in re-electing Andrew Jackson, they pronounced the final doom of the Bank of the United States. Without the exercise of the veto power, there would be no effectual restraint on legislation. It would become absolute, and it was not the design of the framers of the constitution, that absolute uncontrolled power should be lodged in any single branch of the Government, nor anywhere else. This is despotism by whatever name it may be called. The assent of the President is indispensable to every law and the power to consent, implies that of refusal. When Henry Clay, in a paroxysm of passion at the disappointment of a favorite measure, attempted to nullify this power, he aimed a fatal blow at the vitality of the whole system of government, which, had it been successful, would have placed it wholly in the hands of the two Houses of Congress, and converted the Representatives of the whole people of the United States into a mere register of the edicts of a co-ordinate branch. It was solely by the exercise of the veto power that the people have been protected from the domination of a great concentrated moneyed power, and from a system of internal improvements, which would not only have absorbed a great portion of the resources of the Government, but have been fatal to the rights of

the States, by bribing them into their relinquishment. An issue between the Executive and Legislative branches is always to be deplored; but there sometimes have occurred, and will again occur, occasions when the consequences of avoiding it, will be far more mischievous and dangerous, than any that can arise from resorting to extreme measures. The veto is a power which should not be exercised without strong, almost imperative reasons, but at the same time it is, we think, a power which should not always lie dormant. It is not a mere feather in the cap of the President, but a necessary substantial prop to his constitutional functions, and it is, we think, his duty to exercise that power whenever he deems it necessary to the welfare or safety of the Republic.

The appearance and deportment of Mr. Pierce, at the Inauguration, was such as made a deep and most favorable impression on the vast audience assembled to witness the ceremony. He pronounced his admirable address with an earnest, dignified sincerity, in the highest degree impressive, and which gave testimony that he meant what he said. It was evident that the assembled multitudes, not only approved, but believed what he uttered. Not the least pleasing feature in this simple, yet sublime spectacle, was the presence of the gentleman who officiated at a ceremony, which, at the moment of its occurrence, divested him of his station and authority. It was honorable to the country; honorable to the spirit of republicanism; and doubly honorable to Mr. Fillmore as a proof of high-souled magnanimity. Though we have not approved his public course, we cannot help confessing that in this last act of his public life, he has proved himself to be what is still better than a successful ruler, an amiable, and magnanimous gentleman. To his private and domestic virtues, we shall always be ready to bear our willing testimony, and we cordially wish him a long life of happiness and honor.

KNICK-KNACKS.*

LAST month we spoke of Thackeray, the English humorist, at some length. We see no reason why we should not this month say a few words about an American humorist, whose reputation, is, in its way, quite as extensive, and, perhaps, more enviable, when looked at by the eye of philosophic criticism. * KNICK-KNACKS, by L. GAYLORD CLARK, Illustrated by Frank Bellew. D. Appleton, New York.

For more than twenty years Louis Gaylord Clark, popularly called "Old Knick," the well-known editor of the Knickerbocker Magazine, has entertained at his monthly editor's table, a select, though rather extensive party of ladies and gentlemen, of all ages and sizes, as the continued and increasing popularity of the Magazine evidences to their full and healthy satisfaction.

Vox populi vox dei. We maintain that twenty years of success are worth twenty million columns of hostile criticism. But Louis Gaylord has conquered even the critics by his exquisite good humor. This is at once his strong and his weak point. The man has such a good heart he hardly likes to hit out when he sees a chance, though occasionally he does make a desperate lunge, and knock somebody into that abstract state of being, usually symbolised by a cocked-hat, or the mysterious hieroglyph PI. But even then he seems to do it more for the fun of the thing, than from any blood-thirsty delight in manslaughter.

Thackeray is all spite. Clark is all pure merriment. The one seems to hate everybody; the other to love all the world. Those who call the humor of L. Gaylord Clark pointless, merely show that their feelings have been blunted by the coarse contact of the world, and that they have accustomed themselves to such strong liquors, that mere champagne has no longer any effect upon their nerves. That, however, there still are a class of readers who appreciate what may be termed the poetry of humor, is demonstrated by the sale of a work got up in so expensive a style as the KNICK-KNACKS, of above ten thousand copies within the brief space of six weeks, a sale, we venture to say, rarely paralleled in the annals of American publishers.

The KNICK-KNACKS are most admirably illustrated by Mr. Bellew, an artist whose progress in public favor has been more rapid than even his own most sanguine hopes could have anticipated. The return of the old horse is a particularly effective drawing, whilst the frontispiece view of the editor's sanctum, must strike any one who has, like ourselves, been in the habit of taking an occasional cigar, not to mention "other ills that flesh is heir to," in those sacred regions, as a perfect daguerreotype of the scene represented.

The work itself is one succession of pleasant stories, grotesque pieces of versification, and jocose observation. The gossip about children in the commencement is particularly graceful and touching.

Such is the variety of drollery in this little book—the first book put forth modestly by an author of above twenty years' standing-that we can only say of it, as it's writer says in his natural historical opera, "The Flamingo."

O isn't he a curious bird, that red, long-legged Flamingo;
A witty bird, a laughing bird, a singular bird, by Jingo!"

Like his long-legged Flamingo, the author of KNICK-KNACKS is read, though certainly not a red man; but we trust like Cooper's Leatherstocking (hero of three score novels, more or less,) he is, and ever will be, a man without a At any rate, we shall never give our vote for his (critical) crucifixion, were it only to preserve the pleasantest of all editorial satisfactions, that of being honestly able to praise a brother editor, especially when that editor is the conductor of a purely original American magazine, the oldest in the country.

cross.

NOTICES.

MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR BIGLER, OF PENNSYLVANIA.

The Annual Message of Governor Bigler is a plain, practical and well written document, mainly devoted to State affairs.

It sets out with a well conceived and beautifully expressed congratulation on the high state of prosperity of the whole nation-the general health and happiness of the people, and the rapid advance in the arts and sciences. He alludes to the great revolution of parties, as another evidence in favor of the elective feature of our government, and the quiet submission of the vanquished, as an evidence that our civil institutions are not at this day endangered from the violence of party spirit. His allusion to the career and death of Webster and Clay is brief and in good taste.

He has presented a very clear and comprehensive view of the State finances, showing that within the next three years, the receipts to the Treasury of the Old Key-stone will exceeed the current expenses at least one million annually, which will be applied toward the payment of her debt. Her vast resources in mineral and agricultural wealth, is exhibited to great advantage. Her growth from 1840 to 1850 is counted, and on this datum, the population and wealth of the State is presented for 1870. These calculations have satisfied his Excellency, that before the close of the present century, Pennsylvania will be the greatest of all the States in the Union-that she will possess more wealth and people. On this point the Governor shows a very strong degree of State pride, if not presumption and vanity. Neither the Empire State nor her juvenile sister of the Pacific, will be willing to yield the palm 18 years hence. But the Governor presents some strong facts to sustain his idea. He shows that the population of Pennsylvania has been increasing with greater rapidity, than in any one of the other large States-that her production of wheat has been the greatest-that the production of coal, for the year 1852, is worth about 20 millions in the market; and that on the percentage of increase for the last ten years, its value by the year 1870, will exceed 150 millions. Such facts as these, so well maintained, may reasonably excite the pride of the people of Pennsylvania.

On the subject of the currency, the doctrines of the Governor are very radical. He is against all small bank paper-he suggests the withdrawal of all notes below five dollars first, and then the fives also. With the large accessions of gold which California and Australia are furnishing to the world, he thinks the whole present system of currency will be deranged, unless bank paper be driven from the channels of circulation. He discusses this topic as a national one-says that a single State can do but little-that all the States must move in this reform. He demonstrates the injurious effects of a fluctuating paper currency upon all the great interests of the country, and especially the effect of enhanced nominal values upon the manufactures. Holds the doctrine that a restrictive policy in the way of paper money, is of far more importance to this great national interest, than any rate of tariff which Congress can properly assess-that the manufacturer will look in vain to protection against foreign competition, so long as our paper money system is allowed to inflate domestic prices above a proper standard.

On the subject of Corporations to engage in ordinary business enterprises, the Governor has given a very full and able exhibition of his views. He is opposed to all class legislation, and insists that individuals who desire experiment under corporate franchises, must take the responsibility-their individual estates must be liable for the debts of the corporation.

He alludes to the Lemmon slave case, and suggests that provision be given to persons who are sojourning in the State for a brief period, the right to hold their domestic slaves. The Governor is a very decided friend of the compromise measures, and is in favor of carrying out all the provisions of the Constitution on the subject of slavery.

VILLETTE.-Harper Brothers, New York.

This new novel, by the authoress of Jane Eyre (Miss Brontie), is at present the romance most in vogue. We cannst say much in its favor. The style is, comparatively speaking, powerful, occasionally terse, vigorous and passionate; but it is neither pure nor graceful. In plot the tale is meagre, wire drawn, and disjointed. It partakes in this respect of the character of all recent English novels, over which a dreary spirit of sad and hopeless dissatisfaction and weariness of existence, seem to hang like clouds in an autumn sky. It is astonishing how many books have been written to show how very miserable a human soul may be under the most varied conditions! Lamentations in three volumes are the order of the day-lamentations contrasted with an occasional book of sneers. Really, it is time, that new and more audacious writers of fiction should start up. There is ample field for their pens in this young world so redundant of life and action, so full of new phases of social existence as yet totally undescribed by, or rather unknown to the novelist.

As for the melancholly sentimental ladies, we have no objection to their relieving their minds by these romantic outpourings. Only, we do decidedly object to acknowledge poetic genius in the mere power of catalogueing miseries, great and small, even with the accuracy of a French police report, or the truth of an American daguerreotypist.

Alexander Pope, a popular writer of his time, observed, in the preface to his translation of an old Greek novel in verse, an epic, by one Homer, called THE ILIAD, that invention was the greatest characteristic of the poetic mind, and he defended this thesis, as it appeared to us, when boys, with very tolerable success. But this idea is now quite exploded and old fashioned. Modern story-tellers scarcely trouble their heads about inventing a plot for their stories. They trust entirely to accessories, to style, description of details, character, and incidental points. They are like painters who disdain to begin their pictures by a studied composition and careful outline, as if any quantity of delicate gradations of color, or bold dabs of light and shade, could supply the deficiency. Their works are a Barmecide feast for the soul; they are all sauce and trimmings, minus the solid piece of roast beef or mutton, which alone renders sauce or trimmings desirable. In a word, this is the age of amateurs, of reckless dillettanti, and we poor devils of editors must even listen to them practicing their crude attempts at harmony on their damnable fiddles and trumpets!

It would be more pleasant to listen to first-rate artists, and we trust that ere long this country will produce a new race of poets and tale-writers, whose works may occupy the place of the dismal lucubrations above alluded to.