Catholics now against Protestants,— of which the popular interpretation was simple and obvious. To a superficial observer they could but appear as the actions of a man violent in love and anger, and imperious in will; and such no doubt was the general impression of Henry's character in the beginning of the seventeenth century. Odious to his contemporaries he certainly was not; nor was his memory odious in the eyes of the two next generations: our modern notion of him being, I think, of much later date, when his actions were seen refracted through an atmosphere of opinion entirely changed. But though of the Protestant historians who wrote before the Commonwealth those who censure his actions most freely speak with affection as well as respect of the man, I suppose none of them would have disputed Bacon's assertion that he was a man by nature extremely prone both to love and jealousy, and that his attachment to Jane Seymour preceded his anger against Anne Boleyn. Taking the simple sequence of events, this is the natural explanation of them. It is quite possible however that it is not the true one. In these times, when the proceedings of the government are called in question, the first thing is to ask for the "papers" relating to them: till these are produced it is felt that the case cannot be judged. Now the papers relating to the transactions of Henry the Eighth were not produced till long after the popular judgment had been formed; the most important part of them only within the last few years; and it seems that they suggest a new reading of his character in many points; showing among other things that the imputation of a "natura ad amores propensissima" must be given up. This is not the place for a discussion of the question, but it is proper that Bacon's opinion, which would otherwise be of great value in such a matter, should be taken with this caution. There can be no doubt that Mr. Froude's plea for a reconsideration of the judgment is reasonable, and that he has asked some questions which it is at least very difficult to answer. For the text of this piece I have used two authorities, each of which may be considered as original and independent. One is Dr. Rawley's edition, printed along with the Opuscula Philosophica in 1658, with the title Opus illustre in felicem memoriam Elizabethæ, Angliæ Reginæ, auctore nobilissimo heroe Francisco Bacono, Barone de Verulamio, Vicecomite Sancti Albani: mul tis retro annis prælo designatum, sed non antehac in lucem editum; the other is a manuscript copy in the British Museum (Harl. 6797. fo. 79.), written in the hand of one of Bacon's own people, though it bears no traces of revision by Bacon himself. It cannot, I think, have been the same which Rawley used; and as he gives no particulars about the one which he did use, we are left to decide for ourselves which is the best, from internal evidence. My own impression is that Rawley's manuscript must have been the less perfect, and that some of the differences which appear in his printed copy are corrections or conjectural emendations of his own. Where the two copies differ therefore and the true reading seems doubtful, I have generally preferred that of the manuscript; but in all cases, whichever I have received into the text, I have given the other in the notes; and therefore every reader can choose for himself. As the principal pieces which belong to this division of Bacon's works are English, the Latin pieces being few and comparatively short and not connected with one another, I have thought it better to print the translation of each immediately after the original, instead of collecting them into a body at the end; and as this is the first for the translation of which I am myself solely responsible, I shall add here a few words to explain the principle upon which I have attempted to do them. My object in all my attempts at translation being, not to help a Latin reader to construe the original, but to put English readers in possession of the sense of it, my plan has been first to take as clear an impression as I could of the meaning and effect of the Latin, and then to reproduce that meaning in the best and clearest and most readable English that I could command: not tying myself to the particular form which the Latin sentence assumes, even where it could be preserved without awkwardness or obscurity,-nor even preferring it, but always adopting that form in which I could best express the thing; keeping myself as faithful as possible to the effect of the original,—not the literal and logical meaning only, but the effect upon the imagination and the feelings, and leaving The following sentence contains all that he says about it. "His monumentum illud Regium, cui titulus In felicem memoriam Elizabethæ Angliæ Reginæ, inter opera civilia primum adjunxi, ante annos complures ab ipso honoratissimo auctore (si Deus annuisset) typis designatum: Cæterum quamvis obdormisse diu non tamen penitus expirasse jam compertum est." myself as free as possible with regard to the mode of bringing it out. How far I have succeeded it is for others to say; but my endeavour has been to produce a translation from the perusal of which the reader shall rise with the same feelings with which he would have risen from the perusal of the original had the language of it been familiar to him. I am of course aware that there are not only many people who would prefer for their own purposes a different kind of translation, but also some real objections to this kind which upon the whole nevertheless I prefer myself. Whether I have judged rightly, is a question which can only be determined by the effect upon readers generally. If my translations give a livelier and juster impression of the original, it will be found that most people like them better. IN FELICEM MEMORIAM ELIZABETHÆ ANGLIE REGINE.' ELIZABETHA et natura et fortuna mirabilis inter fœminas, memorabilis inter principes fuit. Neque hæc res indicium monachi alicujus, aut hujusmodi censoris umbratilis desiderat. Nam isti homines, stylo acres, judicio impares, et partis suæ memores, rerum minus fideles testes sunt. Ad principes viros pertinet hæc cognitio, atque ad eos qui imperiorum gubernacula tractarunt, et rerum civilium ardua et arcana norunt. Rarum in omni memoria est2 muliebre imperium; rarior in eo felicitas; rarissima cum felicitate diuturnitas. Illa vero quadragesimum quartum regni sui annum complevit; neque tamen felicitati suæ superstes fuit. De hac felicitate pauca dicere institui; neque in laudes excurrere. 3 Nam laudem homines tribuunt, felicitatem Deus. Primum in parte felicitatis pono, quod ad imperatorium fastigium a privata fortuna evecta est. Siquidem hoc in moribus et opinionibus hominum penitus insedit, ut quæ præter spem et expectationem eveniunt majori felicitati deputentur; sed non hoc est quod volo. Illud intueor; principes qui in domo regnatrice et ad spem successionis non dubiam nutriti sunt, ab educationis indulgentia et licentia depravatos, plerumque et minus capaces et minus moderatos evadere. Itaque optimos et excellentissimos reges reperias, quos utraque fortuna erudiit. Talis apud nos fuit Henricus septimus, et apud Gallos Harl. MSS. 6797. fo. 79. 2 est memoria. R. Ludovicus duodecimus, qui recenti memoria et eodem fere tempore non tantum a privata, sed etiam ab adversa et exercita fortuna, regnum accepere; atque ille prudentia, hic justitia floruere. Similis fuit et hujusce principis ratio; cujus initia eť spes variavit fortuna, ut in principatu ad extremum erga illam constans et æquabilis esset. Nam Elizabetha natalibus suis successioni destinata, dein' exhæredata, tum posthabita fuit. Eadem regno fratris fortuna magis propitia et serena, regno sororis magis turbida et ancipiti usa est. Neque tamen ex vinculis subito in regnum assumpta est, ut ab infortunio exacerbata intumesceret; sed libertati restituta, et expectatione aucta, tum demum regnum sine tumultu aut competitore placide et felicissime obtinuit. Atque hæc ideo adducimus, ut appareat Divinam Providentiam, optimam principem meditatam, per istiusmodi disciplinæ gradus eam præparasse et extulisse. Neque sane natalium dignitati calamitas matris obesse debet; cum præsertim satis constet Henricum octavum prius amori novo quam iræ adversus Annam indulsisse; ejusque regis natura et ad amores et ad suspiciones propensissima, et in iisdem usque ad sanguinem præceps, posteritatis notam non effugiat. Adde, quod criminatione, vel personæ ipsius ad quem referebatur nomine, minus probabili et tenuissimis conjecturis innixa, circumventa erat; quod et fama etiam tum occulto ut solet murmure excepit, et Anna ipsa celso animo et memorabili voce sub tempus mortis suæ detestata est. Nacta enim nuntium ut existimabat et fidum et benevolum, eadem hora qua ad mortem se parabat hujusmodi mandata ad regem perferenda dedit: Regem in ipsa novis honoribus cumulanda institutum suum optime servare et perpetuo tueri; cum illam primum, generosa stirpe ortam sed nobilitatis titulis non insignitam, dignitate marchionissæ ornasset, deinde in reginam et consortem suam accepisset; et postremo, quia non restabat terreni honoris gradus altior, innocentem ad coronam martyrii evehere voluisset. Atqui nuntius ille ad regem alio amore flagrantem hoc perferre non ausus est; sed fama veritatis vindex ad posteros pertulit. Atque non exigua' pars felicitatis Elizabethæ, etiam mensura ac veluti curriculum ipsum regni sui nobis visum est: non tantum quia diuturnum, sed quia spatium illud ætatis suæ R. 1 deinde. 5 in regni et thori consortium. R. regiminis. R. |