(With a full length copper-plate engraving.) XII. RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE SOUTH AMERICAN STATES. Effects of the Revolution in Spain-Meeting of the Cortes-Concessions-Mediation THE MONTHLY HISTORICAL REGISTER. HISTORY OF THE EXTRA SESSION. PART II. THE HOUSE OF REPRESEN- Fourth Instalment Postponement Bill. The Treasury Notes Bill. The Divorce Bill. 70 NOTICE. The number of communications, which are kindly placed by correspondents, from different parts of the country, at our disposal, renders a separate notice of each impossible. As a general rule, therefore, we trust that the non-appearance of an article in our pages, will be deemed sufficient reason by its author, that it has not been deemed suitable. Communications are not taken out from the post office unless post paid. Next month will be commenced a series of articles of scenes and incidents in the East, by J. S. Buckingham, Esq. the Oriental Traveller; the first of which, arrived too late for insertion, in the present number. In March also, we shall be able, properly, to commence the current Historical Register of Events, which it is an important feature of this journal to supply. THE UNITED STATES MAGAZINE AND DEMOCRATIC REVIEW. Vol. 1. No. 3. EXECUTIVE USURPATION.* THE Whig Opposition of our day may be compared to that wonderful magician of the fiddle-stick, Paganini, with his single string. They have one perpetual note, on which, with every imaginable variety of voice and intonation, they are forever discoursing most eloquent music. Executive Usurpation is the incessant cry, in season and out of season, with which they pierce the vault profound',in the hope, apparently, that clamorous perseverance may perchance accomplish what every other means have so long failed to effect, to destroy that foundation of popular confidence and affection upon which the present democratic Administration and its truly democratic policy are based. It seems that this is still to be the key-note of Opposition, though a new variation is to be played upon it, with all the brilliant fantasias and capriccios so readily at the command of the fertile imaginations of Congressional choristers. Heretofore, the particular subject of denunciation has been the direct usurpation of legislative powers in the exercise of the executive functions, in defiance of Congress, by such measures as the removal of the deposites, and the free use of the veto power-diversified with interludes of alarming committees of investigation into the corrupt mysteries supposed to exist in the secret recesses of all the Executive departments. Now, the same general idea is to be brought forward, and kept before the public eye in another point of view, namely, the corrupt influence exercised upon Congress itself by the wiles and power, 'half seduction and half force', of this same Executive monster. These efforts may very safely be left to share the same fate already so often and so emphatically adjudged, by the sagacity of public opinion, to those of a similar character, which have exhausted * SPEECH of Mr. Cushing, of Massachusetts, on the Executive Powers, delivered in the House of Representatives, December 19th, 1837.-Washington. Gales & Seaton, 1838. themselves in vain on former occasions. We have no fears they can ever prevail to shake the ascendency of the Democratic influence. We feel that to be established high on a rock of strength, resting on the intelligence and integrity of the broad mass of the American people, far above the reach of the frothy waves of declamation which may toss and roar about its base. If the first premise of our political creed, confidence in the people, is not utterly false and void, we can have no apprehension as to the issue. The Whigs may make a very good Opposition,-in which relation the diversity of elements of which they are composed has, perhaps, a beneficial effect in keeping the party in power in check on so many different points,—but they can never succeed in a general contest for the possession of the administration of the Government. No party composed of such heterogeneous materials, and destitute of any other broad common principles, than the single bond of cohesion afforded by the common interest of Opposition, can ever expect to accomplish the overthrow of the great Democratic Party. The only means promising a hope of compassing that object-namely, a recourse to the unworthy attempt of the last contest, to carry the struggle into the House of Representatives, where intrigue might afford a chance denied by the fair action of the popular will--is never, we trust, destined to be again successful in this country. It is not, then, from alarm at any possible danger to be apprehended from this quarter of attack, that we make the little libellus, whose title is prefixed to this article, the occasion of a review. But rather because the subject is not only in itself one of deep interest to the student of the philosophy of our system of government, but at the present period-the commencement of posterity with respect to the administration of the extraordinary man who lately filled the Executive office--it presents itself in a point of view of peculiar interest; and the glorious though stormy history of that administration exhibits certain remarkable features to some of which we wish to direct attention. We concede the broad fact, that during the late administration the influence of the Executive branch of our complex system was developed to a degree of energy and power unknown to former administrations. We acknowledge a deep-seated distrust and dislike of excessive Executive influence-yet do we see nothing in this concession to sully one leaf of the crown of civic glory which that noble old chief has added to his well earned military laurels, nor to weaken the reverential gratitude due to his honored memory. This concession is not commonly made, from the habit into which our political controversies have run, of indiscriminate attack and denial; each side placing itself sometimes in the wrong from the sole cause of its unwillingness to concede any portion of the right to its antagonist. There is no reason, however, to shrink from a frank avow al of it, —a sound and just cause has nothing to lose, but every thing to gain, in truth and candor. It may generally be taken for granted that in political parties, as in religious sects, there is some portion of truth, however overladen with error, in all,—which in fact constitutes the sole element of vitality that preserves the whole mass from immediate dissolution; and the most effectual way to destroy error is to pluck from it that support of partial truth, to which it always instinctively seeks to attach itself. There has, then, been some portion of truth-grossly, indeed, perverted and abused—in the charge of the extension of Executive power, which has of late years constituted the principal rallying cry of the Opposition. In this has consisted its strength and life,-far more effective than even the potent moneyed interests which have been involved in it. This has constituted its sole title to the venerable and noble old party name which it has so fraudulently usurped; and it has been only by the use of an eloquent sophistry and dazzling declamation on this theme, appealing to our natural distrust of monarchical powers, that it has been able to delude so large a portion of the public mind in some sections of the country, into an unnatural hostility to an administration, than which our country has not seen a more honest, sound and purely democratic. The only way of effectually disarming the Opposition of this its principal weapon of attack, is by meeting it openly and frankly. The truth is, that the Executive branch of our system was intended by its authors to possess a high degree of powerful, substantive, and original energy, as one of the three co-ordinate departments into which the system was divided. All familiar with the ideas and views which were compromised in the formation of the Constitution, know, that a large proportion of the most influential members of the Convention were in favor of even a far more powerful Executive, than was the result of the profound deliberations of that wonderful body of men. And such as it was, it is well known to all, that the preponderant monarchical character of the Executive, as created and endowed with power by that instrument, was perhaps the objection the most strenuously urged against it by the party which opposed its adoption. It was opposed by a large portion of the Democratic party of that day, with whom popular liberty was the cardinal idea,— from their distrust of the vast powers with which it armed the Federal centre, and especially its Executive; and its adoption was considered a triumph of the party which favored rather the strength and majesty of energetic, controlling, governmental power. This remark is true only in a broad sense, for-from its very character as a great compromise-it united in its behalf such a proportion of all parties and all views as to compose a large majority of the whole people; and many eminent democrats were most earnest in their exertions for its adoption. They knew the native might of the democratic element in every mixed system, however hampered with forms |