AMERICAN ARISTOCRACY.*

CAPTAIN Marryatt's publication on the political institutions of the United States contains much information of importance to our citizens. Few of his details possess novelty or interest to those accustomed to read the newspapers opposed to the late and present administrations of the General Government. But the principles which he promulgates, connected with the sources from which they have been evidently derived, throw so much light upon the party discussions which have been carried on with unprecedented zeal during the last ten years, that we feel it to be our duty to bring them to public notice. The importance of the book consists in its furnishing a clue to the real sentiments and designs of an active party of politicians among ourselves. Its nominal author is entitled to be held guiltless of the slightest comprehension of the bearing of any political question whatever. His professional education and previous pursuits equally unfitted him for any such investigations. He was, of course, compelled in the concoction of his book to place reliance upon the representations of those persons by whom he was hospitably entertained, without evincing the slightest misgiving as to their fairness and accuracy.

Our readers were doubtless apprized at the time, by the singular publications in the newspapers under his sign manual, that our country was favored with the presence of this individual during the years 1837 and 1838. He arrived here in the midst of a disastrous revulsion, which was made the instrument of great political excitement. He was received with open arms by that portion of our community who are peculiarly vigilant in hunting up and patronizing foreign adventurers who do not intend to become citizens. The honest emigrant who has fled from the oppressions of the old world, under the intention of exercising his industry and talents with the enjoyment of freedom here, invariably finds this class of our society to manifest the most unrelenting hostility to his permanent interests.

But strolling players, writers of novels, and other works of fancy, and chevaliers d'industrie of all kinds, who make a temporary inroad upon this country in the way of business, are always greeted with the enthusiasm of confidence. Rarely giving themselves an opportunity of learning any thing of the character of our valuable citizens who are employed in their pursuits in the towns, villages and farms throughout the land, such visitors from Europe necessarily imbibe their notions

* Second series of a Diary in America, with Remarks on its Institutions, by Captain Marryatt, C. B., Author of "Peter Simple," "Jacob Faithful," "Frank Mildmay," &c. Philadelphia, T. K. & P. G. Collins, 1840.

VOL. VIII. NO. XXXII.—AUGUST, 1840.

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of the manners, morals, and politics of the country from those with whom they associate. Can any rational man who is familiar with the society of our large cities doubt as to the originals from which the pictures, which foreign travellers have generally given of us, have been drawn? That strange combination of mean servility and pompous impertinence, equally removed from true affability and self-respect -that short sighted cunning in the transaction of business, which has given rise to a new appellation in Europe, for any species of fraud and swindling which enables the perpetrators to escape the penalties of the law le vol Americain-that total disregard to the public welfare in the pursuit of gain, which has led to the prevalent belief there, that our political institutions, based entirely upon public opinion, must from its dissolute condition be soon overthrown?

It may be urged that Captain Marryatt has not been authorized to express the opinions of any body of politicians among us, and therefore they are not to be considered responsible for any of the doctrines in his book. We freely admit his want of express authority. But we appeal to the book itself, which treats in detail of the political transactions throughout the whole warfare waged by the partizans of the Bank of the United States against the productive interests of the country, for the clearest internal proof of the real paternity of many views, which had lost their immediate interest, some of them years before he arrived in this country. That he abused the hospitality of his friends, and violated the confidence with which he was treated, is not unlikely. They are somewhat remarkable for explanations not intended to be made public. Many indiscreet disclosures doubtless were made during those convivial periods of exultation which were so frequent at one period of his visit. We recollect that some of his associates became nearly frantic with joy at the result of the elections in several of the States, during the suspension of 1837-1838. But we can perceive no reason why the people of the United States may not avail themselves of expositions made during that period, especially when the party to which these individuals belong are organizing for a most violent struggle to obtain the command of the government-refusing on the one hand to submit any public explanation of their principles or intentions to the people, in order that private representations to suit every shade of feeling may be made, and on the other sparing neither exertions or expenditures to bring the whole organization of our government under subjection to their plans. The statements of Capt. Marryatt receive peculiar value and authenticity from the fact, that some of the cooler and more sagacious leaders of the party manifested at the time of those rejoicings evident apprehensions as to the untoward consequences of pouring forth their designs, which had occurred on previous occasions. At their crowning triumph over the democracy, at the Astor House, individuals of their own party-even those who had paid the ten dollars demanded for their tickets-were rigorously excluded, unless previously

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approved as capable of carrying themselves with discretion. peared at the time, from sundry discussions on the subject in their newspapers. We are willing that all proper allowances should be made for the exaggerations incident to the inspiration habitual to all victories of that party, whether celebrated in anticipation or otherwise. We are aware that it would not be just to charge the whole party with such extravagances. But it should be borne in mind that the party has always been controlled by such leaders. At no period of our history has their influence been more conspicuous than at this moment. The developements of this book are, therefore, quite as instructive to every lover of his country, as though they had been made by partizans of more sagacity, and upon more sober occasions. It is only necessary in estimating them to overlook those exuberant statements of matters of fact, to which such individuals are prone. The doctrines they are intended to illustrate may probably be gathered more fully under such circumstances, than any other-since "out of the abundance of the heart, the mouth speaketh," besides the classical adage, "in vino veritas." On page 156 may be found a summary of the doctrines which are interspersed throughout the volume in these terms:

“The fact is that an aristocracy is absolutely necessary for America, both politically and morally, if the Americans wish their institutions to hold together, for if some stop is not put to the rapidly advancing power of the people, anarchy must be the result. I do not mean an aristocracy of title. I mean such an aristocracy of talent and power which wealth will give—an aristocracy which shall lead society and purify it. How is this to be obtained in a democracy ?-simply by purchase. In a country where the suffrage is confined to certain classes, as in England, such purchase is not to be obtained, as the people who have the right of suffrage are not poor enough to be bought. But in a country like America, where suffrage is universal, the people will eventually sell their birth-right; and if by such means an aristocratical government is elected, it will be able to amend the constitution, and pass what laws it pleases. This may appear visionary, but it has been proved already that it can be done, and if it can be done now, how much more easily will it be accomplished when the population has quadrupled, and the division commences between the rich and poor. I say it has been done already, for it was done at the last New York election. The democratic party made sure of success; but a large sum of money was brought into play, and the whole of the committees of the democratic party were bought over, and the whigs carried the day."

"The greatest security for the duration of the present institutions of the United States, is an establishment of an aristocracy. It is the third power which was intended to act, but which has been destroyed and is now wanting. Let the Senate be aristocratical-let the Congress be partially so, and then what would be the American Government of President, Senate and Congress, but, mutato nomine, King, Lords and Commons ?"

No evidence could more conclusively show Captain Marryatt's ignorance of all political principles and history, so far as regards his independent acquisitions, than these allusions to his own country. Can there be found another Englishman who has reached the years of manhood, who does not know that votes and even seats in Parliament are purchased with as little ceremony in England, as any other commo

dity? The truth is, his sea-going education placed him at the mercy of the representations of others, on that subject as entirely, as with regard to the trafficking of the New York committees. This was doubtless among the exploits recounted to the Captain, and was implicitely believed, because he relied upon the narrators, and, it was perfectly consistent with their avowed policy in other respects.

terror.

But our main business is with the theory of government which, upon the same authority, he pronounces to be that which is alone fitted for this country. It is identical with that promulgated by Hamilton, John Adams, Fisher Ames, and the leaders of the party during the reign of Not only the doctrines, but the mode of operation, are the same with those of Hamilton's speech in the Convention which framed the Constitution, the report of which has been published in the Madison Papers, since this book made its appearance. Does any body suppose that this scheme of government resulted from the political meditations of the rattle-brained sailor? It would be the most extraordinary exhibition in the same individual, of silliness and sagacity ever made public. The plan originated at an early period of our history with individuals whose self-important vanity led them to under-rate the intelligence of the people at large. It has since been cherished in the hearts of numerous persons who have been successful in schemes of pecuniary gain, drawn from the labor of others by cunning devices, for whom they entertain that hatred and distrust which is inevitable in grovelling minds towards the victims of their unworthy passions. Of late years this plan has never been publicly advocated excepting in periods of public calamity. During the embargo and the subsequent war, it was zealously promulgated, simultaneously with the treasonable negociations with England charged upon the party by one of its principal leaders, John Quincy Adams. When this contest had triumphantly ended, then came the “era of good feelings" and all traces of the secret designs of this party were studiously kept out of sight. They began to re-appear under the guises with which craft so well knows how to shroud its projects, when the deep financial embarrassments into which the whole country had been plunged by the banks convulsed the Union. Then came the articles of "Sidney" endorsed by the solemn resolutions of the Great Whig Meeting at New York, held a short time before the arrival of Captain Marryatt, at which, for the first time in the history of mankind, it was made a portion of a political creed, that "wealth is the test of merit." Where all political power is made, by the laws and moral standard of any community, the subject of pecuniary purchase, this principle may be practically true. It therefore coincides precisely with the doctrines we have quoted. But unfortnnately, when the security of wealth depends wholly upon the movement of paper currency, controlled by a few gambling speculators, "merit" under this definition becomes an evanescent quality. The only standard of character is to be found in the quotations of the board of brokers.

"The test

of merit" depends upon the rise and fall of fancy stocks. Finally, many of those who were originally most vociferous in its support now find themselves, from unlucky speculations and unavailable debts, unable to face their creditors without the protection of a law which, under the specious title of a bankrupt law, is intended for the sole advantage of debtors. Having been stripped without remorse of all their property by the managers of a false and delusive currency, thousands of them are now imploring Congress for an absolute exemption from their debts, by the extinguishment of all pre-existing contracts at the option of debtors! To this complexion has "the test of merit" come at last. The individuals who were mainly accessory to the ruin of these dupes of the system, now endeavor to retain their ascendency over them by affecting to advocate the destruction at once of the securities on which legitimate credit is founded. Like the bloody sacrifices of their own children among the Phoenicians of old, the destruction of families and friends seems only to confirm the idolatry of the devotees of paper money!

Should any rational individual, from the force of education, or deepseated prejudice, honestly believe that an aristocracy is essential to the stability of our political institutions, the first question is, how can such a class be created?" such an aristocracy of talent and power which wealth will give"-as Captain Marryatt pronounces to be absolutely essential. Is any one so stupid as to suppose that our present bubblearistocracy will "lead society and purify it?"—Not until public feeling in this country has become insensible to the distinctions between virtue and vice, honesty and swindling. The ephemeral insects who display during a brief existence their gaudy brilliancy in the sunshine, are quite as permanent as most of this class. Their ostentatious profligacy has produced more demoralization in society than all other causes put together. Suddenly emerging from obscurity, without industry, merit, or capacity, their example has been deeply injurious to the rising generation, by the contempt it has brought upon the sober virtues of diligence and economy. The authority given by law to a few individuals to create a currency which costs nothing, because it is intrinsically worthless, has invested them with the temporary control over all the property in the country. This control has enabled them to organize monopolies which compel every individual in the community to contribute a large portion of his earnings to increase their power. By holding out hopes of gain as the reward of political subserviency, and apprehensions of loss by pursuing the path of independent integrity, they have been able on several occasions to infuse into the minds of great numbers of citizens a devoted zeal in support of their schemes. A few desperate speculators with or without property-and under the management of this system it is impossible to distinguish the one from the otherare empowered by the forms of law, not only to dupe and defraud the