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perhaps, of the richest; howsoever, the mines out | tism, lest they should be drawn into factions and schisms, and that place receive them there bad, and send them back worse.

of the fruits of the earth, and seas and waters adjoining, may be found in abundance.

11. In a short time they may build vessels and ships also, for traffic with the parts near adjoining, and with England also, from whence they may be furnished with such things as they may want, and, in exchange or barter, send from thence other things, with which quickly, either by nature or art, they may abound.

12. But these things would by all means be prevented; that no known bankrupt, for shelter; nor known murderer or other wicked person, to avoid the law; nor known heretic or schismatic, be suffered to go into those countries; or, if they do creep in there, not to be harboured or continued: else, the place would receive them naught, and return them into England, upon all occasions,

worse.

13. That no merchant, under colour of driving a trade thither or from thence, be suffered to work upon their necessities.

14. And that to regulate all these inconveniences, which will insensibly grow upon them, that the king be pleased to erect a subordinate council in England, whose care and charge shall be, to advise, and put in execution, all things which shall be found fit for the good of those new plantations; who, upon all occasions, shall give an account of their proceedings to the king, or to the council-board, and from them receive such directions as may best agree with the government of that place.

15. That the king's reasonable profit be not neglected, partly upon reservation of moderate rents and services; and partly upon customs; and partly upon importation and exportation of merchandise; which for a convenient time after the plantation begin, would be very easy, to encourage the work: but, after it is well settled, may be raised to a considerable proportion, worthy the acceptation.

[Yet these cautions are to be observed in these undertakings.

1. That no man be compelled to such an employment; for that were a banishment, and not a service fit for a free man.

2. That if any transplant themselves into plantations abroad, who are known schismatics, outlaws, or criminal persons, that they be sent for back upon the first notice; such persons are not fit to lay the foundation of a new colony.

3. To make no extirpation of the natives under pretence of planting religion: God surely will no way be pleased with such sacrifices.

6. To employ them in profitable trades and manufactures, such as the clime will best fit, and such as may be useful to this kingdom, and return to them an exchange of things necessary.

7. That they be furnished and instructed for the military part, as they may defend themselves; lest, on a sudden, they be exposed as a prey to some other nation, when they have fitted the colony for them.

8. To order a trade thither, and thence, in such a manner as some few merchants and tradesmen, under colour of furnishing the colony with necessaries, may not grind them, so as shall always keep them in poverty.

9. To place over them such governors as may be qualified in such manner as may govern the place, and lay the foundation of a new kingdom.

10. That care be taken, that when the industry of one man hath settled the work, a new man, by insinuation or misinformation, may not supplant him without just cause, which is the discouragement of all faithful endeavours.

11. That the king will appoint commissioners in the nature of a council, who may superintend the works of this nature, and regulate what concerns the colonies, and give an account thereof to the king, or to his council of state.

Again, For matter of trade, I confess it is out of my profession; yet in that I shall make a conjecture also, and propound some things to you, whereby, if I am not much mistaken, you may advance the good of your country and profit of your master.

1. Let the foundation of a profitable trade be thus laid, that the exportation of home commodities be more in value than the importation of foreign; so we shall be sure that the stocks of the kingdom shall yearly increase, for then the balance of trade must be returned in money or bullion.

2. In the importation of foreign commodities, let not the merchant return toys and vanities, as sometimes it was elsewhere apes and peacocks, but solid merchandise, first for necessity, next for pleasure, but not for luxury.

3. Let the vanity of the times be restrained, which the neighbourhood of other nations have induced; and we strive apace to exceed our pattern; let vanity in apparel, and, which is more vain, that of the fashion, be avoided. I have heard, that in Spain, a grave nation, whom in this I wish we might imitate, they do allow the players and courtesans the vanity of rich and costly clothes; but to sober men and matrons they permit it not upon pain of infamy; a severer punishment upon ingenuous natures than a pecuniary mulct. 5. To establish there the same purity of reli- 4. The excess of diet in costly meats and drinks gion, and the same discipline for church govern- fetched from beyond the seas would be avoided; ment, without any mixture of popery or anabap-wise men will do it without a law, I would there

4. That the people sent thither be governed according to the laws of this realm, whereof they are, and still must be subjects.

might be a law to restrain fools. The excess of wine costs the kingdom much, and returns nothing but surfeits and diseases; were we as wise as easily we might be, within a year or two at the most, if we would needs be drunk with wines, we might be drunk with half the cost.

5. If we must be vain and superfluous in laces and embroideries, which are more costly than either warm or comely, let the curiosity be the manufacture of the natives: then it should not be verified of us, "materiam superabat opus.”

6. But instead of crying up all things, which are either brought from beyond sea, or wrought here by the hands of strangers, let us advance the native commodities of our own kingdom, and employ our countrymen before strangers: let us turn the wools of the land into clothes and stuffs of our own growth, and the hemp and flax growing here into linen cloth and cordage; it would set many thousand hands on work, and thereby one shilling worth of the materials would by industry be multiplied to five, ten, and many times to twenty times more in the value being wrought.

7. And of all sorts of thrift for the public good, I would above all others commend to your care the encouragement to be given to husbandry, and the improving of lands for tillage; there is no such usury as this. The king cannot enlarge the bounds of these islands, which make up his empire, the ocean being the unremoveable wall which encloseth them; but he may enlarge and multiply the revenue thereof by this honest and harmless way of good husbandry.

8. A very great help unto trade are navigable rivers; they are so many indraughts to attain wealth; wherefore by art and industry let them be made; but let them not be turned to private profit.

9. In the last place, I beseech you, take into your serious consideration that Indian wealth, which this island and the seas thereof excel in, the hidden and rich treasure of fishing. Do we want an example to follow? I may truly say to the English, "Go to the pismire, thou sluggard." I need not expound the text: half a day's sail with a good wind, will show the mineral and the miners.

10. To regulate all these it will be worthy the care of a subordinate council, to whom the ordering of these things may be committed, and they give an account thereof to the state.]

VIII. I come to the last of those things which I propounded, which is, the court and curiality. The other did properly concern the king, in his royal capacity, as "pater patriæ;" this more properly as "pater familias:" and herein,

1. I shall, in a word, and but in a word only, put you in mind, that the king in his own person, both in respect of his household or court, and in respect of his whole kingdom, for a little kingdom

is but as a great household, and a great household as a little kingdom, must be exemplary, "Regis ad exemplum, &c." But for this, God be praised, our charge is easy; for our gracious master, for his learning and piety, justice and bounty, may be, and is, not only a precedent to his own subjects, but to foreign princes also; yet he is still but a man, and seasonable "mementos" may be useful; and, being discreetly used, cannot but take well with him.

2. But your greatest care must be, that the great men of his court, for you must give me leave to be plain with you, for so is your injunction laid upon me, yourself in the first place, who are first in the eye of all men, give no just cause of scandal; either by light, or vain, or by oppressive carriage.

3. The great officers of the king's household had need be both discreet and provident persons, both for his honour and for his thrift; they must look both ways, else they are but half-sighted: yet, in the choice of them, there is more latitude left to affection, than in the choice of counsellors, and of the great officers of state, before touched, which must always be made choice of merely out of judgment; for in them the public hath a great interest.

[And yet in these, the choice had need be of honest and faithful servants, as well as of comely outsides, who can bow the knee, and kiss the hand, and perform other services, of small importance compared with this of public employment. King David, Psalm ci. 6, 7, propounded a rule to himself for the choice of his courtiers. He was a wise and a good king; and a wise and a good king shall do well to follow such a good example; and if he find any to be faulty, which perhaps cannot suddenly be discovered, let him take on him this resolution as King David did, "There shall no deceitful person dwell in my house." But for such as shall bear office in the king's house, and manage the expenses thereof, it is much more requisite to make a good choice of such servants, both for his thrift and for his honour.]

4. For the other ministerial officers in court, as, for distinction sake, they may be termed, there must also be an eye unto them and upon them. They have usually risen in the household by degrees, and it is a noble way, to encourage faithful service but the king must not bind himself to a necessity herein, for then it will be held "ex debito:" neither must he alter it, without an apparent cause for it: but to displace any who are in, upon displeasure, which for the most part happeneth upon the information of some great man, is by all means to be avoided, unless there be a manifest cause for it.

5. In these things you may sometimes interpose, to do just and good offices; but for the general, I should rather advise, meddle little, but

leave the ordering of those household affairs to the whitestaffs, which are those honourable persons, to whom it properly belongeth to be answerable to the king for it; and to those other officers of the green-cloth, who are subordinate to them, as a kind of council, and a court of justice also.

6. Yet, for the green-cloth law, take it in the largest sense, I have no opinion of it, farther than it is regulated by the just rules of the common laws of England.

7. Towards the support of his majesty's own table, and of the prince's, and of his necessary officers, his majesty hath a good help by purveyance, which justly is due unto him; and, if justly used, is no great burden to the subject; but by the purveyors and other under officers is many times abused. In many parts of the kingdom, I think, it is already reduced to a certainty in money; and if it be indiferently and discreetly managed, it would be no hard matter to settle it so throughout the whole kingdom; yet to be renewed from time to time: for that will be the best and safest, both for the king and people.

8. The king must be put in mind to preserve the revenues of his crown, both certain and casual, without diminution, and to lay up treasure in store against a time of extremity; empty coffers give an ill sound, and make the people many times forget their duty, thinking that the king must be beholden to them for his supplies.

9. I shall by no means think it fit, that he reward any of his servants with the benefit of forfeitures, either by fines in the court of Star Chamber, or high commission courts, or other courts of justice, or that they should be farmed out, or bestowed upon any, so much as by promise, before judgment given; it would neither be profitable nor honourable.

10. Besides matters of serious consideration, in the courts of princes, there must be times for pastimes and disports: when there is a queen and ladies of honour attending her, there must sometimes be masques, and revels, and interludes; and when there is no queen, or princess, as now; yet at festivals, and for entertainment of strangers, or upon such occasions, they may be fit also: yet care would be taken, that in such cases they be set off more with wit and activity than with costly and wasteful expenses.

11. But for the king and prince, and the lords and chivalry of the court, I rather commend, in their turns and seasons, the riding of the great horse, the tilts, the barriers, tennis, and hunting, which are more for the health and strength of those who exercise them, than in an effeminate way to please themselves and others.

And now the prince groweth up fast to be a man, and is of a sweet and excellent disposition; it would be an irreparable stain and dishonour upon you, having that access unto him, if you should mislead him, or suffer him to be misled by any loose or flattering parasites; the whole kingdom hath a deep interest in his virtuous education; and if you, keeping that distance which is fit, do humbly interpose yourself, in such a case he will one day give you thanks for it.

12. Yet dice and cards may sometimes be used for recreation, when field-sports cannot be had; but not to use it as a mean to spend the time, much less to misspend the thrift of the gamesters.

Sir, I shall trouble you no longer; I have run over these things as I first propounded them; please you to make use of them, or any of them, as you shall see occasion; or to lay them by, as you shall think best, and to add to them, as you daily may, out of your experience.

I must be bold, again, to put you in mind of your present condition; you are in the quality of a sentinel; if you sleep, or neglect your charge, you are an undone man, and you may fall much faster than you have risen.

I have but one thing more to mind you of, which nearly concerns yourself; you serve a great and gracious master, and there is a most hopeful young prince, whom you must not desert; it behooves you to carry yourself wisely and evenly between them both adore not so the rising son, that you forget the father, who raised you to this height; nor be you so obsequious to the father, that you give just cause to the son to suspect that you neglect him; but carry yourself with that judgment, as, if it be possible, may please and content them both; which, truly, I believe, will be no hard matter for you to do: so may you live long beloved of both.

[If you find in these or any other your observations, which doubtless are much better than these loose collections, any thing which you would have either the father or the son to take to heart, an admonition from a dead author, or a caveat from an impartial pen, whose aim neither was nor can be taken to be at any particular by design, will prevail more and take better impression than a downright advice; which perhaps may be mistaken as if it were spoken magisterially.

Thus may you live long a happy instrument for your king and country; you shall not be a meteor or a blazing star, but "stella fixa:" happy here and more happy hereafter, "Deus manu sua te ducat:"] which is the hearty prayer of

Your most obliged and devoted servant.

THE CHARGE

OF SIR FRANCIS BACON, KNIGHT,

THE KING'S ATTORNEY GENERAL,

AGAINST WILLIAM TALBOT,

A COUNSELLOR AT LAW OF IRELAND,

UPON AN INFORMATION IN THE STAR-CHAMBER "ORE TENUS," FOR A WRITING UNDER HIS HAND, WHEREBY THE SAID WILLIAM TALBOT BEING DEMANDED, WHETHER THE DOCTRINE OF SUAREZ, TOUCHING DEPOSING AND

KILLING OF KINGS EXCOMMUNICATED, WERE TRUE OR NO? HE ANSWERED, THAT HE

REFERRED HIMSELF UNTO THAT WHICH THE CATHOLIC ROMAN
CHURCH SHOULD DETERMINE THEREOF.

ULTIMO DIE TERMINI HILARII, UNDECIMO JACOBI REGIS.

MY LORDS,

But, my lords, in this duel I find this Talbot, that is now before you, but a coward; for he hath given ground, he hath gone backward and forward; but in such a fashion, and with such interchange of repenting and relapsing, as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his offence. If he shall more publicly in the face of the court fall and settle upon a right mind, I shall be glad of it; and he that would be against the king's mercy, I would he might need the king's mercy: but, nevertheless, the court will proceed by rules of justice.

The offence, therefore, wherewith I charge this Talbot, prisoner at the bar, is this in brief and in effect: That he hath maintained, and maintaineth under his hand, a power in the pope for deposing and murdering of kings. In what sort he doth this, when I come to the proper and particular charge, I will deliver it in his own words, without

I brought before you the first sitting of this term the cause of duels; but now this last sitting I shall bring before you a cause concerning the greatest duel which is in the Christian world, the duel and conflict between the lawful authority of sovereign kings, which is God's ordinance for the comfort of human society, and the swelling pride and usurpation of the see of Rome "in temporalibus," tending altogether to anarchy and confusion. Wherein if this pretence in the Pope of Rome, by cartels to make sovereign princes as the banditti, and to proscribe their lives, and to expose their kingdoms to prey; if these pretences, I say, and all persons that submit themselves to that part of the Pope's power in the least degree, be not by all possible severity repressed and punished, the state of Christian kings will be no other than the ancient torment described by the poets in the hell of the heathen; a man sit-pressing or straining. ting richly robed, solemnly attended, delicious fare, &c., with a sword hanging over his head, hanging by a small thread, ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand. Surely I had thought they had been the prerogatives of God alone, and of his secret judgments: "Solvam cingula regum," I will loosen the girdles of kings; or again, “He poureth contempt upon princes;" or, "I will give a king in my wrath, and take him away again in my displeasure;" and the like: but if these be the claims of a mortal man, certainly they are but the mysteries of that person which "exalts himself above all that is called God, supra omne quod dicitur Deus." God, though that in a all that is called God; magistrates.

Note it well, not above sense be true, but above that is, lawful kings and

But before I come to the particular charge of this man, I cannot proceed so coldly; but I must express unto your lordships the extreme and imminent danger wherein our dear and dread sovereign is, and in him we all; nay, all princes of both religions, for it is a common cause, do stand at this day, by the spreading and enforcing of this furious and pernicious opinion of the pope's teniporal power: which, though the modest sort would blanch with the distinction of "in ordine ad spiritualia," yet that is but an elusion; for he that maketh the distinction, will also make the case. This peril, though it be in itself notorious, yet, because there is a kind of dulness, and almost a lethargy in this age, give me leave to set before you two glasses, such as certainly the like never met in one age; the glass of France, and the glass of England. In that of France the trage2 K 2

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dies acted and executed in two immediate kings; [ been likewise equally sensible of every injury in the glass of England, the same, or more horri- that touched their temporals. ble, attempted likewise in a queen and king immediate, but ending in a happy deliverance. In France, Henry III., in the face of his army, before the walls of Paris, stabbed by a wretched Jacobine friar. Henry IV., a prince that the French do surname the Great, one that had been a saviour and redeemer of his country from infinite calamities, and a restorer of that monarchy to the ancient state and splendour, and prince almost heroical, except it be in the point of revolt from religion, at a time when he was as it were to mount on horseback for the commanding of the greatest forces that of long time had been levied in France, this king likewise stilettoed by a rascal votary, which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose.

In England, Queen Elizabeth, of blessed memory, a queen comparable and to be ranked with the greatest kings, oftentimes attempted by like votaries, Sommervile, Parry, Savage, and others, but still protected by the watchman that slumbereth not. Again, our excellent sovereign, King James, the sweetness and clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortify all malignity, and a king shielded and supported by posterity; yet this king in the chair of Majesty, his vine and olive branches about him, attended by his nobles and third estate in parliament; ready, in the twinkling of an eye, as if it had been a particular doomsday, to have been brought to ashes, dispersed to the four winds. I noted the last day, my lord chief justice, when he spake of this powder treason, he laboured for words, though they came from him with great efficacy, yet he truly confessed, and so must all men, that that treason is above the charge and report of any words whatsoever.

Now, my lords, I cannot let pass, but in these glasses which I spake of, besides the facts themselves and danger, to show you two things; the one, the ways of God Almighty, which turneth the sword of Rome upon the kings that are the vassals of Rome, and over them gives it power; but protecteth those kings which have not accepted the yoke of his tyranny, from the effects of his malice; the other, that, as I said at first, this is a common cause of princes; it involveth kings of both religions; and therefore his majesty did most worthily and prudently ring out the alarm-bell, to awake all other princes to think of it seriously, and in time. But this is a miserable case the while, that these Roman soldiers do either thrust the spear into the sides of God's anointed, or at least they crown them with thorns; that is, piercing and pricking cares and fears, that they

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Thuanus reports in his story, that when the realm of France was interdicted by the violent proceedings of Pope Julius the Second, the king, otherwise noted for a moderate prince, caused coins of gold to be stamped with his own image, and this superscription, 66 Perdam nomen Babylonis e terra." Of which Thuanus saith, himself had seen divers pieces thereof. So as this Catholic king was so much incensed at that time, in respect of the pope's usurpation, as he did apply Babylon to Rome. Charles the Fifth, emperor, who was accounted one of the pope's best sons, yet proceeded in matter temporal towards Pope Clement with strange rigour: never regarding the pontificality, but kept him prisoner thirteen months in a pestilent prison; and was hardly dissuaded by his council from having sent him captive into Spain; and made sport with the threats of Frosberg the German, who wore a silk rope under his cassock, which he would show in all companies; telling them that he carried it to strangle the pope with his own hands. As for Philip the Fair, it is the ordinary example, how he brought Pope Boniface the Eighth to an ignominious end, dying mad and enraged; and how he styled his rescript to the pope's bull, whereby he challenged his temporals, “Sciat fatuitas vestra," not your beatitude, but your stultitude; a style worthy to be continued in the like cases; for certainly that claim is mere folly and fury. As for native examples, here it is too long a field to enter into them. Never kings of any nation kept the partition-wall between temporal and spiritual better in times of greatest superstition: I report me to King Edward I., that set up so many crosses, and yet crossed that part of the pope's jurisdiction, no man more strongly. But these things have passed better pens and speeches: here I end them.

But now to come to the particular charge of this man, I must inform your lordships the occasion and nature of this offence: There hath been published lately to the world a work of Suarez, a Portuguese, a professor in the university of Coimbra, a confident and daring writer, such a one as Tully describes in derision; "nihil tam verens, quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur:" one that fears nothing but this, lest he should seem to doubt of any thing. A fellow that thinks with his magistrality and goosequill to give laws and menages to crowns and sceptres. In this man's writing this doctrine of deposing or murdering kings, seems to come to a higher elevation than heretofore; and it is more arted and positived than in others. For in the passages which your lordships shall hear read anon, I find three assertions which run not in the vulgar track, but are such as wherewith men's ears, as I suppose, are not much acquainted; whereof the first is,

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