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the raising of the price, whereas this is to go alone; yet, nevertheless, it seemed the officers of the mint were not unwilling to give way to some abatement, although they presumed it would be of small effect, because that abatement would not be equivalent to that price which Spanish silver bears with the goldsmith; but yet it may be used as an experiment of state, being recoverable at his majesty's pleasure.

parts, it is supposed that all Spanish moneys, which is the bulk of silver brought into this realm, would, by means of such a proclamation, come into the mint; which may be a thing considerable.

commonly so beneficial, as the merchant may well endure the bringing of the silver to the mint, although it were at the charge of coinage, which it now beareth further, as incident to this matter. There was revived by the merchants, with some instance, the ancient proposition, concerning the erection of granaries for foreign corn, forasmuch as, by that increase of trade in corn, the importation of silver would likewise be multiplied.

The fifth proposition was this: It was warranted by the laws of Spain, to bring in silver for corn or victuals; it was propounded that his majesty would restrain exportation of corn "sub The third proposition is, concerning the ex-modo," except they bring the silver which reportation of silver more than in former times, sulted thereof, unto his mint; that trade being wherein we fell first upon the trade into the East Indies; concerning which it was materially, in our opinions, answered by the merchants of that company, that the silver which supplies that trade, being generally Spanish moneys, would not be brought in but for that trade, so that it sucks in as well as it draws forth. And, it was added, likewise, that as long as the Low Countries maintained that trade in the Indies, it would help little, though our trade were dissolved, because that silver which is exported immediately by us to the Indies, would be drawn out of this kingdom, for the Indies, immediately by the Dutch and for the silver exported to the Levant, it was thought to be no great matter. As for other exportation, we saw no remedy but the execution of the laws, specially those of employ-in foreign parts. To trouble your lordships ment, being, by some mitigation, made agreeable to the times. And these three remedies are of that nature, as they serve to remove the causes of this scarcity. There were other propositions of policies and means, directly to draw silver to the mint.

The sixth proposition was, That upon all license of forbidden commodities, there shall be a rate set of silver to be brought into the mint: which, nevertheless, may seem somewhat hard, because it imposeth upon the subject that which causeth him to incur peril of confiscation

further with discourses which we had of making foreign coins current, and of varying the king's standard to weight, upon the variations in other states, and repressing surfeit of foreign commodities, that our native commodities, surmounting the foreign, may draw in treasure by way of overplus; they be commonplaces so well known to your lordships, as it is enough to mention them only.

There is only one thing more, which is, to put your lordships in mind of the extreme excess in the wasting of both metals, both of gold and silver foliate, which turns the nature of these metals, which ought to be perdurable, and makes them perishable, and, by consumption, must be a principal cause of scarcity in them both; which, we conceive, may receive a speedy remedy by his majesty's proclamation.

The fourth point thereof, was this: It is agreed that the silver which hath heretofore fed the mint, principally, hath been Spanish money. This now comes into the realm plentifully, but not into the mint. It was propounded, in imitation of some precedent in France, that his majesty would, by proclamation, restrain the coming in of this money "sub modo;" that is, that either it be brought to the mint, or otherwise to be but and defaced, because that now it passeth in payments in a kind of currency. To which it was colourably objected, that this would be the way to have none brought in at all, because the gain ceasing, Lastly, We are humble suitors to your lordthe importation would cease; but this objection ships, that for any of these propositions, that was well answered, that it is not gain altogether, your lordships should think fit to entertain in but a necessity of speedy payment, that causeth consultations, your lordships would be pleased the merchant to bring in silver to keep his credit, to hear them debated before yourselves, as being and to drive his trade: so that if the king keep matters of greater weight than we are able to his fourteen days' payment at the mint, as he judge of. And so, craving your lordships' pardon always hath done, and have, likewise, his ex- for troubling you so long, we commend your changers for those moneys, in some principal lordships to God's goodness.







THE king hath heard and observed your grave and decent speech, tending to the excuse and disablement of yourself for the place of speaker. In answer whereof, his majesty hath commanded me to say to you, that he doth in no sort admit of the same.

First, Because if the party's own judgment should be admitted in case of elections, touching himself, it would follow, that the most confident and overweening persons would be received; and the most considerate men, and those that understand themselves best, would be rejected.

Secondly, His majesty doth so much rely upon the wisdoms and discretions of those of the House of Commons, that have chosen you with a unanimous consent, that his majesty thinks not good to swerve from their opinion in that wherein themselves are principally interested.

Thirdly, You have disabled yourself in so good and decent a fashion, as the manner of your speech hath destroyed the matter of it.

ferring it before other estates, it needs no answer; the schools may dispute it; but time hath tried it, and we find it to be the best. Other states have curious frames, soon put out of order: and they that are made fit to last, are not commonly fit to grow or spread: and, contrariwise, those that are made fit to spread and enlarge, are not fit to continue and endure. But monarchy is like a work of nature, well composed both to grow and to continue. From this I pass.

For the second part of your speech, wherein you did with no less truth than affection acknowledge the great felicity which we enjoy by his majesty's reign and government, his majesty hath commanded me to say unto you, that praises and thanksgivings he knoweth to be the true oblations of hearts and loving affections: but that which you offer him he will join with you, in offering it up to God, who is the author of all good; who knoweth also the uprightness of his heart; who he hopeth will continue and increase his blessings both upon himself and his posterity, and likewise upon

And, therefore, the king doth allow of the elec- his kingdoms and the generations of them. tion, and admit you for speaker.



THE king hath heard and observed your eloquent discourse, containing much good matter, and much good will: wherein you must expect from me such an answer only as is pertinent to the occasion, and compassed by due respect of time.

I may divide that which you have said into four parts.

The first was a commendation, or laudative of monarchy.

The second was indeed a large field, containing a thankful acknowledgment of his majesty's benefits, attributes, and acts of government.

The third was some passages touching the institution and use of parliaments.

But I for my part must say unto you, as the Grecian orator said long since in the like case: "Solus dignus harum rerum laudatur tempus ;" Time is the only commender and encomiastic worthy of his majesty and his government.

Why time? For that, in the revolution of so many years and ages as have passed over this kingdom, notwithstanding, many noble and excellent effects were never produced until his majesty's days, but have been reserved as proper and peculiar unto them.

And because this is no part of a panegyric, but merely story, and that they be so many articles of honour fit to be recorded, I will only mention them, extracting part of them out of that you, Mr. Speaker, have said; they be in number eight.

First, his majesty is the first, as you noted it well, that hath laid "lapis angularis," the corner The fourth and last was certain petitions to his stone of these two mighty kingdoms of England majesty on the behalf of the House and yourself. and Scotland, and taken away the wall of sepaFor your commendation of monarchy, and pre-ration: whereby his majesty is become the mo

narch of the most puissant and military nations of the world; and, if one of the ancient wise men was not deceived, iron commands gold.

Secondly, the plantation and reduction to civility of Ireland, the second island of the ocean Atlantic, did by God's providence wait for his majesty's times; being a work resembling indeed the works of the ancient heroes: no new piece of that kind in modern times.

Thirdly, This kingdom, now first in his majesty's times, hath gotten a lot or portion in the new world, by the plantation of Virginia and the Summer Islands. And certainly it is with the kingdoms on earth as it is in the kingdom of heaven: sometimes a grain of mustard-seed proves a great tree. Who can tell?

Fourthly, His majesty hath made that truth which was before titularly, in that he hath verified the style of Defender of the Faith: wherein his majesty's pen hath been so happy, as, though the deaf adder will not hear, yet he is charmed that he doth not hiss. I mean in the graver sort of those that have answered his majesty's writings.

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Fifthly, It is most certain, that since the conquest ye cannot assign twenty years, which is the time that his majesty's reign now draws fast upon, of inward and outward peace. Insomuch, as the time of Queen Elizabeth, of happy memory, and always magnified for a peaceable reign, was nevertheless interrupted the first twenty years with a rebellion in England; and both first and last twenty years with rebellions in Ireland. And yet I know, that his majesty will make good both his words, as well that of "Nemo me lacessit impune," as that other of “ Beati pacifici.”

Sixthly, That true and primitive office of kings, which is, to sit in the gate and to judge the people, was never performed in like perfection by any of the king's progenitors: whereby his majesty hath showed himself to be lex loquens," and to sit upon the throne, not as a dumb statue, but as a speaking oracle.

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Seventhly, For his majesty's mercy, as you noted it well, show me a time wherein a king of this realm hath reigned almost twenty years, as I said, in his white robes, without the blood of any peer of this kingdom: the axe turned once or twice towards a peer, but never struck.

Lastly, The flourishing of arts and sciences recreated by his majesty's countenance and bounty, was never in that height, especially that art of arts, divinity; for that we may truly to God's great glory confess, that since the primitive times, there were never so many stars, for so the Scripture calleth them, in that firmament.

These things, Mr. Speaker, I have partly chosen out of your heap, and are so far from being vulgar, as they are in effect singular and proper to his majesty and his times. So that I have made good, as I take it, my first assertion; that

the only worthy commender of his majesty is time: which hath so set off his majesty's merits by the shadow of comparison, as it passeth the lustre or commendation of words. σε ό

How then shall I conclude? Shall I say, " fortunatos nimium sua si bona norint ?" No, for I see ye are happy in enjoying them, and happy again in knowing them. But I will conclude this part with that saying, turned to the right hand: "Si gratum dixeris, omnia dixeris." Your gratitude contains in a word all that I can say to you touching this parliament.

Touching the third point of your speech, concerning parliaments, I shall need to say little: for there was never that honour done to the institution of parliament, that his majesty did it in his last speech, making it in effect the perfection of monarchy; for that although monarchy was the more ancient, and be independent, yet by the advice and assistance of parliament it is the stronger and the surer built.

And therefore I shall say no more of this point; but as you, Mr. Speaker, did well note, that when the king sits in parliament, and his prelates, peers, and commons attend him, he is in the exaltation of his orb; so I wish things may be so carried, that he may be then in greatest serenity and benignity of aspect; shining upon his people both in glory and grace. Now you know well, that the shining of the sun fair upon the ground, whereby all things exhilarate and do fructify, is either hindered by clouds above or mists below; perhaps by brambles and briers that grow upon the ground itself. All which I hope at this time will be dispelled and removed.

I come now to the last part of your speech, concerning the petitions: but before I deliver his majesty's answer respectively in particular, I am to speak to you some few words in general; wherein, in effect, I shall but glean, his majesty having so excellently and fully expressed himself.

For that, that can be spoken pertinently, must be either touching the subject or matter of parliament business; or of the manner and carriage of the same; or, lastly, of the time, and the husbanding and marshalling of time.

For the inatters to be handled in parliament, they are either of church, state, laws, or grievances.

For the first two, concerning church or state, ye have heard the king himself speak; and as the Scripture saith, "Who is he that in such things shall come after the king?" For the other two, I shall say somewhat, but very shortly.

For laws, they are things proper for your own element; and, therefore, therein ye are rather to lead than to be led. Only it is not amiss to put you in mind of two things; the one, that ye do not multiply or accumulate laws more than ye need. There is a wise and learned civilian that applies the curse of the prophet, "Pluet super eos laqueos,”

enduring diminution of majesty, as from regarding flattery or vainglory; and a king that understandeth as well the pulse of the hearts of the people, as his own orb. And, therefore, both let your grievances have a decent and reverend form and style; and, to use the words of former parliaments, let them be "tanquam gemitus co

to multiplicity of laws: for they do but ensnare | sensible of forms than of matter; and is as far from and entangle the people. I wish rather, that ye should either revive good laws that are fallen and discontinued, or provide against the slack execution of laws which are already in force; or meet with the subtile evasions from laws which time and craft hath undermined, than to make "novas creaturas legum," laws upon a new mould. The other point, touching laws, is, that ye busy | lumba," without pique or harshness: and, on not yourselves too much in private bills, except it be in cases wherein the help and arm of ordinary justice is too short.

For grievances, his majesty hath with great grace and benignity opened himself. Nevertheless, the limitations, which may make up your grievances not to beat the air only, but to sort to a desired effect, are principally two. The one, to use his majesty's term, that ye do not hunt after grievances, such as may seem rather to be stirred here when ye are met, than to have sprung from the desires of the country: ye are to represent the people; ye are not to personate them.

the other side, in that ye do for the king, let it have a mark of unity, alacrity, and affection; which will be of this force, that whatsoever ye do in substance, will be doubled in reputation abroad, as in a crystal glass.

For the time, if ever parliament was to be measured by the hour-glass, it is this; in regard of the instant occasion flying away irrecoverably. Therefore, let your speeches in the House be the speeches of counsellors, and not of orators; let your committees tend to despatch, not to dispute; and so marshal the times as the public business, especially the proper business of the parliament, be put first, and private bills be put last, as time shall give leave, or within the spaces of the public.

For the four petitions, his majesty is pleased to grant them all as liberally as the ancient and true custom of parliament doth warrant, and with the cautions that have ever gone with them; that is to say, That the privilege be not used for defraud

The other, that ye do not heap up grievances, as if numbers should make a show where the weight is small; or, as if all things amiss, like Plato's commonwealth, should be remedied at once. It is certain, that the best governments, yea, and the best men, are like the best precious stones, wherein every flaw or icicle or grain are seen and noted more than in those that are gene-ing of creditors, and defeating of ordinary justice: rally foul and corrupted.

Therefore contain yourselves within that moderation as may appear to bend rather to the effectual ease of the people, than to a discursive envy, or scandal upon the state.

As for the manner of carriage of parliament business, ye must know, that ye deal with a king that hath been longer king than any of you have been parliament men; and a king that is no less

that liberty of speech turn not into license, but be joined with that gravity and discretion, as may taste of duty and love to your sovereign, reverence to your own assembly, and respect to the matters ye handle that your accesses be at such fit times, as may stand best with his majesty's pleasure and occasions: that mistakings and misunderstandings be rather avoided and prevented, as much as may be, than salved or cleared.





AND please you, Mr. Speaker, I must consider | mixture of this House doth so require it, that in the time which is spent; but yet so, as I must causes of this nature there be some speech and consider also the matter, which is great. This opinion, as well from persons of generality, as great cause was, at the first, so materially and weightily propounded; and after, in such sort persuaded and enforced; and by him that last spake, so much time taken, and yet to good purpose; as I shall speak at a great disadvantage: but, because it hath been always used, and the

by persons of authority, I will say somewhat, and not much: wherein it shall not be fit for me to enter into, or to insist upon secrets, either of her majesty's coffers, or of her council; but my speech must be of a more vulgar nature.

I will not enter, Mr. Speaker, into a laudative

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speech of the high and singular benefits, which, by her majesty's most politic and happy government, we receive, thereby to incite you to a retribution; partly, because no breath of man can set them forth worthily; and partly, because, I know, her majesty, in her magnanimity, doth bestow her benefits like her freest patents, "absque aliquo inde reddendo;" not looking for any thing again, if it were in respect only of her particular, but love and loyalty. Neither will I now, at this time, put the case of this realm of England too precisely; how it standeth with the subject in point of payments to the crown: though I could make it appear by demonstration, what opinion soever be conceived, that never subjects were partakers of greater freedom and ease; and that whether you look abroad into other countries at this present time, or look back to former times in this our own country, we shall find an exceeding difference in matter of taxes; which, now, I reserve to mention; not so much in doubt to acquaint your ears with foreign strains, or to dig up the sepulchres of buried and forgotten impositions, which, in this case, as by way of comparison, it is necessary you understand; but because speech in the House is fit to persuade the general point, and, particularly, is more proper and seasonable for the committee: neither will I make any observation upon her majesty's manner of expending and issuing treasure; being not upon excessive and exorbitant donatives, nor upon sumptuous and unnecessary triumphs, buildings, or like magnificence; but upon the preservation, protection, and honour of the realm: for I dare not scan upon her majesty's actions, which it becometh me rather to admire in silence, than to gloss or discourse upon them, though with never so good a meaning. Sure I am, that the treasure that cometh from you to her majesty, is but as a vapour which riseth from the earth, and gathereth into a cloud, and stayeth not there long; but upon the same earth it falleth again: and what if some drops of this do fall upon France or Flanders? It is like a sweet odour of honour and reputation to our nation throughout the world. But I will only insist upon the natural and inviolate law of preservation.

It is a truth, Mr. Speaker, and a familiar truth, that safety and preservation is to be preferred before benefit or increase, inasmuch as those counsels which tend to preservation, seem to be attended with necessity: whereas those deliberations which tend to benefit, seem only accompanied with persuasion. And it is ever gain and no loss, when at the foot of the account there remains the purchase of safety. The prints of this are everywhere to be found: the patient will ever part with some of his blood to save and clear the rest the seafaring man will, in a storm, cast over some of his goods to save and assure the rest: the husbandman will afford some foot of

ground for his hedge and ditch, to fortify and defend the rest. Why, Mr. Speaker, the disputer will, if he be wise and cunning, grant somewhat that seemeth to make against him, because he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion, and the better maintain the rest. But this place advertiseth me not to handle the matter in a commonplace. I will now deliver unto you that, which, upon a "probatum est," hath wrought upon myself, knowing your affections to be like mine own. There hath fallen out, since the last parliament, four accidents or occurrents of state; things published and known to you all; by every one whereof, it seemeth to me, in my vulgar understanding, that the danger of this realm is increased: which I speak not by way of apprehending fear, for I know I speak to English courages; but by way of pressing provision: for I do find, Mr. Speaker, that when kingdoms and states are entered into terms and resolutions of hostility one against the other; yet they are many times restrained from their attempts by four impediments.

The first is by this same "aliud agere;" when they have their hands full of other matters, which they have embraced, and serveth for a diversion of their hostile purposes.

The next is, when they want the commodity or opportunity of some places of near approach. The third, when they have conceived an apprehension of the difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise, and that it is not prepared to their hand.

And the fourth is, when a state, through the age of the monarch, groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great peril and motion: and this dull humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns. Now if it please you to examine, whether, by removing the impediments, in these four kinds, the danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us by accidents, as I said, fresh, and all dated since the last parliament.

Soon after the last parliament, you may be pleased to remember how the French king revolted from his religion; whereby every man of common understanding may infer, that the quarrel between France and Spain is more reconcileable, and a greater inclination of affairs to a peace, than before: which supposed, it followeth, Spain shall be more free to intend his malice against this realm.

Since the last parliament, it is also notorious in every man's knowledge and remembrance, that the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that avenue and place of approach for England, which was never in the hands of any king of Spain before; and that is Calais; which in true reason and consideration of estate of what value or service it is, I know not; but in common understanding, it is a knocking at our doors.

Since the last parliament also that ulcer of Ire

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