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turned his teeth upon Spain, yet, he was taken order with before it came to that. Now, there is ascended to the papacy, a personage, that came in by a chaste election, no ways obliged to the party of the Spaniards: a man bred in ambassages and affairs of state, that hath much of the prince, and nothing of the friar; and one, that though he loves the chair of the papacy well, yet he loveth the carpet above the chair; that is, Italy, and the liberties thereof well likewise.

Fifthly, and lastly, the Dutch, which is the Spaniards' perpetual duellist, hath now, at this present, five ships to one, and the like proportion in treasure and wealth, to that they had in eightyeight. Neither is it possible, whatsoever is given out, that the coffers of Spain should now be fuller than they were in eighty-eight; for, at that time, Spain had no other wars save those of the Low Countries, which were grown into an ordinary; now they have had coupled therewith the extraordinary of the Valtoline, and the Palatinate. And so I conclude my answer to the objection raised touching the difference of times; not entering into more secret passages of state, but keeping that character of style whereof Seneca speaketh, "plus significat quam loquitur."

clasped Germany almost in his fist, he was forced, in the end, to go from Isburg, and, as if it had been in a mask, by torchlight, and to quit every foot in Germany round that he had gotten; which, I doubt not, will be the hereditary issue of this late purchase of the Palatinate. And so I conclude the ground that I have to think that Spain will be no overmatch to Great Britain, if his majesty should enter into a war, out of experience, and records of time.

Fourthly, in eighty-eight, the King of Denmark For grounds of reason, they are many; I will was a stranger to England, and rather inclined to extract the principal, and open them briefly, and, Spain; now the king is incorporated to the blood as it were, in the bud. For situation, I pass it of England, and engaged in the quarrel of the over; though it be no small point: England, Palatinate. Then, also, Venice, Savoy, and the Scotland, Ireland, and our good confederates, the princes and cities of Germany, had but a dull fear United Provinces, lie all in a plump together, not of the greatness of Spain, upon a general appre-accessible but by sea, or, at least, by passing of hension only of the spreading and ambitious great rivers, which are natural fortifications. As designs of that nation: now that fear is sharpened for the dominions of Spain, they are so scattered, and pointed by the Spaniards' late enterprises as it yieldeth great choice of the scenes of the upon the Valtoline, and the Palatinate, which war, and promiseth slow succours unto such part come nearer them. as shall be attempted. There be three main parts of military puissance, men, money, and confederates. For men, there are to be considered valour and number. Of valour I speak not; take it from the witnesses that have been produced before: yet, the old observation is not untrue, that the Spaniard's valour lieth in the eye of the looker on; but the English valour lieth about the soldier's heart. A valour of glory, and a valour of natural courage, are two things. But let that pass, and let us speak of number: Spain is a nation thin sown of people; partly by reason of the sterility of the soil, and partly because their natives are exhausted by so many employments in such vast territories as they possess. So that it hath been accounted a kind of miracle, to see ten or twelve thousand native Spaniards in an army. And it is certain, as we have touched it, a little before, in passage, that the secret of the power of Spain consisteth in a veteran army, compounded of miscellany forces of all nations, which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other: and if there should happen the misfortune of a battle, it would be a long work to draw on supplies. They tell a tale of a Spanish ambassador that was brought to see the treasury of St. Mark at Venice, and still he looked down to the ground; and being asked, why he so looked down, said, "he was looking to see whether their treasure had any root, so that, if it were spent, it would grow again; as his master's had." But, howsoever it be of their treasure, certainly their forces have scarce any root; or, at least, such a root as buddeth forth poorly and slowly. It is true they have the Walloons, who are tall soldiers, yet, that is but a spot of ground. But, on the other side, there is not in the world again such a spring and seminary of brave military people, as in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the

Here I would pass over from matter of experience, were it not that I held it necessary to discover a wonderful erroneous observation that walketh about, and is commonly received, contrary to all the true account of time and experience. It is, that the Spaniard, where he once getteth in, will seldom or never be got out again. But, nothing is less true than this. Not long since they got footing at Brest, and some other parts in French Britain, and after quitted them. They had Calais, Ardes, and Amiens, and rendered them, or were beaten out. They had since Marseilles, and fairly left it. They had the other day the Valtoline, and now have put it in deposit. What they will do with Ormus, which the Persian hath taken from them, we shall see. So that, to speak truly of latter times, they have rather poached and offered at a number of enterprises, than maintained any constantly; quite contrary to that idle tradition. In more ancient times, leaving their purchases in Afric, which they after abandoned, when their great Emperor Charles had

United Provinces: so as if wars should mow | foreign forces, than they had in the years 1552

them down never so fast, yet, they may be suddenly supplied, and come up again.

For money, no doubt it is the principal part of the greatness of Spain; for by that they maintain their veteran army: and Spain is the only state of Europe that is a money grower. But in this part, of all others, is most to be considered, the ticklish and brittle state of the greatness of Spain. Their greatness consisteth in their treasure, their treasure in their Indies, and their Indies, if it be well weighed, are indeed but an accession to such as are masters by sea. So as this axle-tree, whereupon their greatness turneth, is soon cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by sea. Herein, therefore, I refer myself to the opinions of all men, enemies, or whomsoever, whether that the maritime forces of Great Britain, and the United Provinces, be not able to beat the Spaniard at sea? For, if that be so, the links of that chain whereby they hold their greatness are dissolved. Now, if it be said, that, admit the case of Spain to be such as we have made it, yet, we ought to descend into our own case, which we shall find, perhaps, not to be in state, for treasure, to enter into a war with Spain. To which, I answer, I know no such thing; the mint beateth well; and the pulses of the people's hearts beat well. But there is another point that taketh away quite this objection: for whereas wars are generally causes of poverty or consumption; on the contrary part, the special nature of this war with Spain, if it be made by sea, is like to be a lucrative and restorative war. So that, if we go roundly on at the first, the war in continuance will find itself. And therefore you must make a great difference between Hercules' labours by land, and Jason's voyage by sea for the golden fleece.

For confederates; I will not take upon me the knowledge, how the princes, states, and councils of Europe, at this day, stand affected towards Spain; for that trencheth into the secret occurrents of the present time, wherewith, in all this treatise, I have forborne to meddle. But to speak of that which lieth open and in view; I see much matter of quarrel and jealousy, but little of amity and trust towards Spain, almost in all other estates. I see France is in competition with them for three noble portions of their monarchy, Navarre, Naples, and Milan; and now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline. I see once in thirty or forty years cometh a pope, that casteth his eye upon the kingdom of Naples, to recover it to the church; as it was in the minds of Julius the Second, Paul the Fourth, and Sixtus the Fifth. As for that great body of Germany, I see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the Kings of France, and Great Britain, or Denmark, for the liberty of the German nation, and for the expulsion of Spanish and

and 1553. At which time they contracted a league with Henry the Second, the French king, upon the same articles, against Charles the Fifth, who had impatronized himself of a great part of Germany, through the discord of the German princes, which himself had sown and fomented: which league at that time did the deed, and drave out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany; and reintegrated that nation in their ancient liberty and honour. For the West Indies, though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there, except it have been from England; yet, nevertheless, I see all princes lay a kind of claim unto them; accounting the title of Spain but as a monopoly of those large countries, wherein they have in great part but an imaginary possession. For Afric upon the west, the Moors of Valentia expulsed, and their allies, do yet hang as a cloud or storm over Spain. Gabor on the east is like an anniversary wind, that riseth every year upon the party of Austria. And Persia hath entered into hostility with Spain, and giveth them the first blow by taking of Ormus. It is within every man's observation, also, that Venice doth think their state almost on fire, if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline. That Savoy hath learned by fresh experience, that alliance with Spain is no security against the ambition of Spain; and that of Bava ria hath likewise been taught, that merit and service doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day. Neither do I say for all this, but that Spain may rectify much of this ill blood by their particular and cunning negotiations: but yet there it is in the body, and may break out, no man knoweth when, into ill accidents: and at least it showeth plainly, that which serveth for our purpose, that Spain is much destitute of assured and confident confederates. And, therefore, I will: conclude this part with the speech of a counsellor of state in Spain at this day, which was not without salt: he said to his master, the King of Spain that now is, upon occasion; "Sir, I will tell your majesty thus much for your comfort; your majesty hath but two enemies, whereof the one is all the world, and the other is your own ministers." And thus I end the second main part I propounded to speak of; which was, the balancing of the forces between the king's majesty and the King of Spain, if a war must follow.

THE FIRST COPY OF MY DISCOURSE TOUCHING

THE SAFETY OF THE QUEEN'S PERSON.⭑ THESE be the principal remedies, I could think of, for extirpating the principal cause of those conspiracies, by the breaking the nest of those fugitive traitors, and the filling them full of terror, despair, jealousy, and revolt. And it is true, I thought of some other remedies, which, because * From the original in the Lambeth Library.

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tain, do carefully and sufficiently provide and take order that her majesty receive good intelligence; so yet, under correction, methinks it is not done with that glory and note to the world, which was in Mr. Secretary Walsingham's time: and in this case, as was said, "opinio veritate major."

The second remedy I deliver with less assurance, as that which is more removed from the compass of mine understanding: and that is, to treat and negotiate with the King of Spain, or Archduke Ernest, who resides in the place where these conspiracies are most forged, upon the point of the law of nations, upon which kind of points princes' enemies may with honour negotiate, viz., that, contrary to the same law of nations, and the sacred dignity of kings, and the honour of arms, certain of her majesty's subjects, if it be not thought meet to impeach any of his ministers, refuged in his dominions, have conspired and practised assassination against her majesty's person.

secretary of state appears to be chiefly done by Mr. Robert Who died April 6, 1590. After his death the business of Cecil, who was knighted by Queen Elizabeth at Theobald's, about the beginning of June, 1591, and in August following sworn of the privy council; but not actually appointed secre

tary of state till July 5, 1596. BIRCH.

THE first remedy, in my poor opinion, is that against which, as I conceive, least exception can be taken, as a thing without controversy, honourable and politic; and that is reputation of good intelligence. I say not only good intelligence, but the reputation and fame thereof. For I see, that where booths are set for watching thievish places, there is no more robbing: and though no doubt the watchmen many times are asleep, or away; yet that is more than the thief knoweth ; so as the empty booth is strength and safeguard enough. So, likewise, if there be sown an opinion + Ernest, Archduke of Austria, son of the Emperor Maxiabroad, that her majesty hath much secret intelli-milian II., and governor of the Low Countries, upon which gence, and that all is full of spies and false breth-government he entered in June, 1591; but held it only a short time, dying February 11/21 following. It was probably in ren; the fugitives will grow into such a mutual pursuance of the advice of Mr. Francis Bacon in this paper, jealousy and suspicion one of another, as they will that Queen Elizabeth sent to the Archduke in 1591, to comnot have the confidence to conspire together, not plain of the designs which had been formed against her life by the Count de Fuentek, and Don Diego de Ibarra, and other knowing whom to trust; and thinking all prac- Spanish ministers concerned in governing the Low Countries. tice bootless, as that which is assured to be dis- after the death of Alexander, Duke of Parma, in December, covered. And to this purpose, to speak reverently, signify those facts to the King of Spain, in order that he might 1592, and by the English fugitives there; and to desire him to as becometh me, as I do not doubt but those vindicate his own character, by punishing his ministers, and honourable counsellors, to whom it doth apper-delivering up to her such fugitives as were parties in such

From the original in the Lambeth Library.

designs. Camdeni Annales Eliz. Regina, p. 625. Edit. Lug duni Bat. 1625. BIRCH.

A TRUE REPORT

OF

THE DETESTABLE TREASON,

INTENDED BY

DOCTOR RODERIGO LOPEZ,

A PHYSICIAN Attending upon the person OF THE QUEEN'S MAJESTY,

WHOM HE, FOR A SUM OF MONEY, PROMISED TO BE PAID HIM BY THE KING OF SPAIN, DID UNDERTAKE TO HAVE DESTROYED BY POISON; WITH CERTAIN CIRCUMSTANCES, BOTH OF THE PLOTTING AND DETECTING OF THE SAID TREASON.

(penned during the queen's life.]

THE King of Spain having found, by the enterprise of 88, the difficulty of an invasion of England, and having also since that time embraced the matters of France, being a design of a more easy nature, and better prepared to his hand, hath of necessity for a time laid aside the prosecution of his attempts against this realm, by open forces, as knowing his means unable to wield both actions at once, as well that of England as that of France; and, therefore, casting at the fairest, hath, in a manner, bent his whole strength upon France, making, in the mean time, only a defensive war upon the Low Countries. But finding again, that the supports and aids which her majesty hath continued to the French king, are a principal impediment and retardation to his prevailing there according to his ends, he hath, now of late, by all means, projected to trouble the waters here, and to cut us out some work at home, that by practice, without diverting and employing any great forces, he might, nevertheless, divert our succours from France.

According to which purpose, he first proved to move some innovation in Scotland, not so much in hope to alienate the king from the amity of her majesty, as practising to make a party there against the king himself, whereby he should be compelled to use her majesty's forces for his assistance. Then he solicited a subject within this realm, being a person of great nobility, to rise in arms and levy war against her majesty; which practice was by the same nobleman loyally and prudently revealed. And, lastly, rather, as it is to be thought, by the instigation of our traitorous fugitives in foreign parts, and the corrupter sort of his counsellors and ministers, than of his own nature and inclination, either of himself, or his said counsellors and ministers using his name, have descended to a course against all honour, all society and humanity, odious to God and man, detested by the heathens themselves, which is, to take away the life of her majesty, (which God have in his precious custody!) by

violence or poison. A matter which might be proved to be not only against all Christianity and religion, but against nature, the law of nations, the honour of arms, the civil law, the rules of morality and policy; finally, to be the most condemned, barbarous, and ferine act that can be imagined; yea, supposing the quarrels and hostility between the princes to be never so declared and so mortal, yet, were it not that it would be a very reproach unto the age, that the matter should be once disputed or called in question, it could never be defended. And, therefore, I leave it to the censure which Titus Livius giveth in the like case upon Perseus, the last King of the Macedons, afterwards overthrown, taken with his children, and led in triumph by the Romans; "Quem non justum bellum gerere regio animo, sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera, latrociniorum ac veneficiorum, cernebant."

But to proceed: certain it is, that even about this present time there have been suborned and sent into this realm divers persons, some English, some Irish, corrupted by money and promises, and resolved and conjured by priests in confession, to have executed that most wretched and horrible fact; of which number certain have been taken, and some have suffered, and some are spared because they have with great sorrow confessed these attempts, and detested their suborners. And if I should conjecture what the reason is, why this cursed enterprise was at this time so hotly, and with such diligence pursued, I take it to be chiefly because the matters of France were ripe, and the King of Spain made himself ready to unmask himself, and to reap that in France, which he had been long in sowing, in regard that, there being like to be a divulsion in the league by the reconciliation of some of the heads to the king, the more passionate sort, being destituted by their associates, were like to cast themselves wholly into the King of Spain's arms, and to dismember some important piece of that crown; though now upon this fresh accident of receiving the king into

world. For some of her majesty's council long since entered into consideration, that the retinue of King Antonio, I mean some of them, were not unlike to hatch these kinds of treasons, in regard they were needy strangers, entered into despair of their master's fortune, and like enough to aspire to make their peace at home, by some such wicked services as these; and therefore grew to have an extraordinary vigilant eye upon them: which prudent and discreet presumption, or conjecture, joined with some advertisements of espials

Paris, it is to be thought that both the worst affected of the league will submit themselves upon any tolerable conditions to their natural king, thus advanced in strength and reputation; and the King of Spain will take a second advice ere he embark himself too far in any new attempt against France. But, taking the affairs as they then stood before this accident unexpected, especially of the council of Spain, during this his supposed harvest in France, his council had reason to wish that there were no disturbance from hence, where they make account that if her majesty were re-abroad, and some other industry, was the first moved, upon whose person God continue his extraordinary watch and providence! here would be nothing but confusion, which they do not doubt but, with some no great treasure, and forces from without, may be nourished till they can more fully intend the ruin of this state, according to their ancient malice.

But howsoever that be, amongst the number of these execrable undertakers, there was none so much built and relied upon by the great ones of the other side, as was this physician, Lopez; nor, indeed, none so dangerous: whether you consider the aptness of the instrument, or the subtlety and secrecy of those that practised with him, or the shift and evasion which he had provided for a colour of his doings, if they should happen to come into question. For, first, whereas others were to find and encounter infinite difficulties, in the very obtaining of an opportunity to execute this horrible act; and, besides, cannot but see present and most assured death before their eyes, and therefore must be, as it were, damnable votaries if they undertake it: this man, in regard of his faculty, and of his private access to her majesty, had both means to perpetrate, and means to conceal, whereby he might reap the fruit of his wicked treason without evident peril. And for his complices that practised with him, being Portuguese, and of the retinue of King Antonio, the King of Spain's mortal enemy, they were men thereby freed and discharged from suspicion, and might send letters and receive letters out of Spain without jealousy; as those which were thought to entertain intelligences there for the good of their master. And, for the evasion and mask that Lopez had prepared for this treason, if it had not been searched and sifted to the bottom, it was, that he did intend but to cozen the King of Spain, without ill meaning; somewhat in the nature of that stratagem which Parry, a most cunning and artificial traitor, had provided for himself.

Nevertheless, this matter, by the great goodness of God, falling into good hands, of those honourable and sufficient persons which dealt therein, was by their great and worthy industry so handled and followed, as this Proteus of a disguised and transformed treason did at last appear in his own likeness and colours, which were as foul and monstrous as have been known in the VOL. II.-28

cause, next under the great benediction of God, which giveth unto princes zealous counsellors, and giveth to counsellors policy, and discerning thoughts, of the revealing and discovering of these treasons, which were contrived in order and form, as hereafter is set down.

This Lopez, of nation a Portuguese, and suspected to be in sect secretly a Jew, though here he conformed himself to the rites of the Christian religion, for a long time professed physic in this land, by occasion whereof, being withal a man very observant and officious, and of a pleasing and appliable behaviour; in that regard, rather than for any great learning in his faculty, he grew known and favoured in court, and was some years since sworn physician of her majesty's household; and by her majesty's bounty, of whom he had received divers gifts of good commodity, was grown to good estate of wealth.

This man had insinuated himself greatly, in regard he was of the same nation, with the King Antonio, whose causes he pretended to solicit at the court: especially while he supposed there was any appearance of his fortune; of whom also he had obtained, as one that referred all his doings to gain, an assignation of 50,000 crowns to be levied in Portugal. But being a person wholly of a corrupt and mercenary nature, and finding his hopes cold from that part; he cast his eyes upon a more able paymaster, and secretly made offer long since of his service to the King of Spain: and accordingly gave sundry intelligences of that which passed here, and imported most for the King of Spain to know, having no small means, in regard of his continual attendance at court, nearness and access, to learn many particulars of great weight: which intelligences he maintained with Bernardine Mendoza, Antonio Vega, Roderigo Marquez, and divers others.

In the conveyance of which his intelligences, and in the making known of his disposition to do the King of Spain service, he had, amongst others, one Manuel Andrada, a Portuguese, revolted from Don Antonio to the King of Spain; one that was discovered to have practised the death of the said Don Antonio, and to have betrayed him to Bernardine Mendoza. This man coming hither, was, for the same, his practice appearing by letters intercepted, apprehended and committed to prison.

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