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to the kingdom, if the public hand of alms might | hath made a beginning, so this occasion is offered spare the private hand of tax: and, therefore, of of God to make a proceeding. Surely readers in all other employments of that kind, I commend the chair are as the parents in sciences, and most houses of relief and correction, which are deserve to enjoy a condition not inferior to their mixed hospitals; where the impotent person is re- children, that embrace the practical part; else no lieved, and the sturdy beggar buckled to work; and man will sit longer in the chair, than till he can the unable person also not maintained to be idle, walk to a better preferment: and it will come to which is ever joined with drunkenness and im- pass as Virgil saith, purity, but is sorted with such work as he can manage and perform; and where the uses are not distinguished, as in other hospitals; whereof some are for aged and impotent, and some for children, and some for correction of vagabonds; but are general and promiscuous: so that they may take off poor of every sort from the country as the country breeds them: and thus the poor themselves shall find the provision, and other people the sweetness of the abatement of the tax. Now, if it be objected, that houses of correction in all places have not done the good expected, as it cannot be denied, but in most places they have done much good, it must be remembered that there is a great difference between that which is done by the distracted government of justices of peace, and that which may be done by a settled ordinance, subject to a regular visitation, as this may be. And, besides, the want hath been commonly in houses of correction of a competent and certain stock, for the materials of the labour, which in this case may be likewise supplied.

Concerning the advancement of learning, I do subscribe to the opinion of one of the wisest and greatest men of your kingdom: That for grammar schools, there are already too many, and, therefore, no providence to add where there is excess: for the great number of schools which are in your highness's realm, doth cause a want, and doth cause likewise an overflow; both of them inconvenient, and one of them dangerous. For by means thereof they find want in the country and towns, both of servants for husbandry, and apprentices for trade: and, on the other side, there being more scholars bred than the state can prefer and employ; and the active part of that life not bearing a proportion to the preparative, it must needs fall out, that many persons will be bred unfit for other vocations, and unprofitable for that in which they are brought up; which fills the realm full of indigent, idle, and wanton people, which are but "materia rerum novarum."

Therefore, in this point, I wish Mr. Sutton's intention were exalted a degree; that that which he meant for teachers of children, your majesty should make for teachers of men; wherein it hath been my ancient opinion and observation, that in the universities of this realm, which I take to be of the best endowed universities of Europe, there is nothing more wanting towards the flourishing state of learning, than the honourable and plentiful salaries of readers in arts and professions. In which point, as your majesty's bounty already VOL. II.-31

"Ut patrum invalidi referant jejunia nati." For if the principal readers, through the meanness of their entertainment, be but men of superficial learning, and that they shall take their place but in passage, it will make the mass of sciences want the chief and solid dimension, which is depth; and to become but pretty and compendious habits of practice. Therefore, I could wish that in both the universities, the lectures as well of the three professions, divinity, law, and physic; as of the three heads of science, philosophy, arts of speech, and the mathematics; were raised in their pensions unto 100l. per annum apiece: which, though it be not near so great as they are in some other places, where the greatness of the reward doth whistle for the ablest men out of all foreign parts to supply the chair; yet it may be a portion to content a worthy and able man; if he be likewise contemplative in nature, as those spirits are that are fittest for lectures. Thus may learning in your kingdom be advanced to a farther height; learning, I say, which, under your majesty, the most learned of kings, may claim some degree of elevation.

Concerning propagation of religion, I shall in few words set before your majesty three propositions, none of them devices of mine own, otherwise than that I ever approved them ; two of which have been in agitation of speech, and the third acted.

The first is a college for controversies, whereby we shall not still proceed single, but shall, as it were, double our files; which certainly will be found in the encounter.

The second is a receipt (I like not the word seminary, in respect of the vain vows, and implicit obedience, and other things tending to the perturbation of states, involved in that term) for converts to the reformed religion, either of youth or otherwise; for I doubt not but there are in Spain, Italy, and other countries of the Papists, many whose hearts are touched with a sense of those corruptions, and an acknowledgment of a better way; which grace is many times smothered and choked, through a worldly consideration of necessity and want; men not knowing where to have succour and refuge. This likewise I hold a work of great piety, and a work of great consequence; that we also may be wise in our generation; and that the watchful and silent night may be used as well for sowing of good seed, as of tares.

The third is, the imitation of a memorable and religious act of Queen Elizabeth; who, finding a part of Lancashire to be extremely backward in X

religion, and the benefices swallowed up in im- Thus have I briefly delivered unto your mapropriations, did, by decree in the duchy, erect jesty mine opinion touching the employment four stipends of 1007. per annum apiece for preach- of this charity; whereby that mass of wealth, ers well chosen to help the harvest, which have which was in the owner little better than a done a great deal of good in the parts where they stack or heap of muck, may be spread over have laboured. Neither do there want other cor-your kingdom to many fruitful purposes; your ners in the realm, that would require for a time majesty planting and watering, and God giving the like extraordinary help. the increase.





Ir were just and honourable for princes being in wars together, that howsoever they prosecute their quarrels and debates by arms and acts of hostility; yea, though the wars be such, as they pretend the utter ruin and overthrow of the forces and states one of another, yet they so limit their passions as they preserve two things sacred and inviolable; that is, the life and good name each of other. For the wars are no massacres and confusions; but they are the highest trials of right; when princes and states, that acknowledge no superior upon earth, shall put themselves upon the justice of God for the deciding of their controversies by such success, as it shall please him to give on either side. And as in the process of particular pleas between private men, all things ought to be ordered by the rules of civil laws; so in the proceedings of the war nothing ought to be done against the law of nations, or the law of honour; which laws have ever pronounced these two sorts of men, the one, conspirators against the persons of princes; the other, libellers against their good fame; to be such enemies of common society as are not to be cherished, no, not by enemies. For in the examples of times which were less corrupted, we find that when, in the greatest heats and extremities of wars, there have been made offers of murderous and traitorous attempts against the person of a prince to the enemy, they have been not only rejected, but also revealed: and in like manner, when dishonourable inention hath been made of a prince before an enemy prince, by some that have thought therein to please his humour, he hath showed himself, contrariwise, utterly distasted therewith, and been ready to contest for the honour of an enemy.

According to which noble and magnanimous

kind of proceeding, it will be found, that in the whole course of her majesty's proceeding with the King of Spain, since the amity interrupted, there was never any project by her majesty, or any of her ministers, either moved or assented unto, for the taking away of the life of the said king: neither hath there been any declaration or writing of estate, no, nor book allowed, wherein his honour hath been touched or taxed, otherwise than for his ambition; a point which is necessarily interlaced with her majesty's own justification. So that no man needeth to doubt but that those wars are grounded, upon her majesty's part, upon just and honourable causes, which have so just and honourable a prosecution; considering it is a much harder matter when a prince is entered into wars to hold respect then, and not to be transported with passion, than to make moderate and just resolutions in the beginnings. But now if a man look on the other part, it will appear that, rather, as it is to be thought, by the solicitation of traitorous subjects, which is the only poison and corruption of all honourable war between foreigners, or by the presumption of his agents and ministers, than by the proper inclination of that king, there hath been, if not plotted and practised, yet at the least comforted, conspiracies against her majesty's sacred person: which, nevertheless, God's goodness hath used and turned, to show by such miraculous discoveries, into how near and precious care and custody it hath pleased him to receive her majesty's life and preservation. But in the other point it is strange what a number of libellous and defamatory books and writings, and in what variety, with what art and cunning handled, have been allowed to pass through

against her majesty do best satisfy the malice of the foreigner, so the slander and calumniation of her principal counsellors agreed best with the humours of some malcontents within the realm; imagining also, that it was like they should be more scattered here, and freelier dispersed; and also should be less odious to those foreigners which were not merely partial and passionate, who have for the most part in detestation the traitorous libellings of subjects directly against their natural prince.

Amongst the rest in this kind, there hath been published this present year of 1592, a libel that giveth place to none of the rest in malice and untruths; though inferior to most of them in

vein of a Lucianist, and yet being a counterfeit even in that kind. This libel is entitled, “A declaration of the true causes of the great trou

the world in all languages against her majesty and her government; sometimes pretending the gravity and authority of church stories to move belief; sometimes formed into remonstrances and advertisements of estate to move regard; sometimes presented as it were in tragedies of the persecutions of Catholics to move pity; sometimes contrived into pleasant pasquils and satires to move sport: so as there is no shape whereinto these fellows have not transformed themselves; nor no humour nor affection in the mind of man to which they have not applied themselves; thereby to insinuate their untruths and abuses to the world. And, indeed, let a man look into them, and he shall find them the only triumphant lies that ever were confuted by circumstances penning and style; the author having chosen the of time and place; confuted by contrariety in themselves, confuted by the witness of infinite persons that live yet, and have had particular knowledge of the matters; but yet avouched bles presupposed to be intended against the realm with such asseveration, as if either they were fallen into that strange disease of the mind, which a wise writer describeth in these words, "fingunt simul creduntque;" or as if they had received it as a principal precept and ordinance of their seminaries, "audacter calumniari, semper aliquid hæret;" or as if they were of the race which in old time were wont to help themselves with miraculous lies. But when the cause of this is entered into, namely, that there passeth over out of this realm, a number of eager and unquiet scholars, whom their own turbulent and humourous nature presseth out to seek their adventures abroad; and that, on the other side, they are nourished rather in listening after news and intelligences, and in whisperings, than in any commendable learning; and after a time, when either their necessitous estate, or their ambitious appetites importune them, they fall on devising how to do some acceptable service to that side which maintaineth them; so as ever when their credit waxeth cold with foreign princes, or that their pensions are ill paid, or some preferment is in sight at which they level, straightways out cometh a libel, pretending thereby to keep in life the party, which within the realm is contrary to the state, wherein they are as wise as he that thinketh to kindle a fire by blowing the dead ashes; when, I say, a man looketh into the cause and ground of this plentiful yield of libels, he will cease to marvel, considering the concurrence which is, as well in the nature of the seed, as in the travel of tilling and dressing; yea, and in the fitness of the season for the bringing up of those infectious weeds.

of England;" and hath a semblance as if it were bent against the doings of her majesty's ancient and worthy counsellor, the Lord Burleigh; whose carefulness and pains her majesty hath used in her counsels and actions of this realm for these thirty-four years' space, in all dangerous times, and amidst many and mighty practices; and with such success as our enemies are put still to their paper-shot of such libels as these; the memory of whom will remain in this land, when all these libels shall be extinct and forgotten; according to the Scripture, "Memoria justi cum laudibus, at impiorum nomen putrescet." But it is more than evident, by the parts of the same book, that the author's malice was to her majesty and her government, as may especially appear in this, that he charged not his lordship with any particular actions of his private life, such power had truth, whereas the libels made against other counsellors have principally insisted upon that part: but hath only wrested and detorted such actions of state, as in times of his service have been managed; and, depraving them, hath ascribed and imputed to him the effects that have followed; indeed, to the good of the realm, and the honour of her majesty, though sometimes to the provoking of the malice, but abridging of the power and means of desperate and incorrigible subjects.

All which slanders, as his lordship might justly despise, both for their manifest untruths, and for the baseness and obscurity of the author; so, nevertheless, according to the moderation which his lordship useth in all things, never claiming the privilege of his authority, when it is question of satisfying the world, he hath been But to verify the saying of our Saviour, "non content that they be not passed over altogether in est discipulus super magistrum;" as they have silence; whereupon I have, in particular duty to sought to deprave her majesty's government in his lordship, amongst others that do honour and herself, so have they not forgotten to do the same love his lordship, and that have diligently observed in her principal servants and counsellors; think- his actions, and in zeal of truth, collected, upon ing, belike, that as the immediate invectives the reading of the said libel, certain observations

not in form of a just answer, lest I should fall | low cared not to be counted a liar by all English,

into the error whereof Solomon speaketh thus,
"Answer not a fool in his own kind, lest thou also
be like him;" but only to discover the malice,
and to reprove and convict the untruths thereof.
The points, that I have observed upon the
reading of this libel, are these following:
I. Of the scope or drift of the libeller.

upon price of deceiving of Spain and Italy; for it must be understood, that it hath been the general practice of this kind of men many years, of the one side, to abuse the foreign estates, by making them believe that all is out of joint and ruinous here in England, and that there is great part ready to join with the invader; and on the II. Of the present estate of this realm of Eng-other side, to make the evil subjects of England land, whether it may be truly vouched to be believe of great preparations abroad, and in great prosperous or afflicted.

III. Of the proceedings against the pretended Catholics, whether they have been violent, or moderate, and necessary.

IV. Of the disturbance of the quiet of Christendom, and to what causes it may be justly imputed.

readiness to be put in act, and so to deceive on both sides: and this I take to be his principal drift. So, again, it is an extravagant and incredible conceit, to imagine that all the conclusions and actions of estate which have passed during her majesty's reign, should be ascribed to one counsellor alone; and to such a one as was never noted for an imperious or overruling man; and to say, that though he carried them not by violence, yet he compassed them by device, there is no man of judgment that looketh into the naVI. Certain true general notes upon the actions ture of these times, but will easily descry that of the Lord Burleigh.

V. Of the cunning of the libeller, in palliation of his malicious invective against her majesty and the state, with pretence of taxing only the actions of the Lord Burleigh.

the wits of these days are too much refined for

VII. Of divers particular untruths and abuses any man to walk invisible, or to make all the dispersed through the libel.

VIII. Of the height of impudency that these men are grown into, in publishing and avouching untruths; with a particular recital of some of them for an essay.

1. Of the scope or drift of the libeller.

world his instruments; and, therefore, no, not in this point assuredly, the libeller spake as he thought; but this he foresaw, that the imputation of cunning doth breed suspicion, and the imputation of greatness and sway doth breed envy; and therefore finding where he was most wrong, and by whose policy and experience their plots were most crossed, the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his lordship's authority, by making him suspected to the queen, or generally odious to the realm; knowing well enough for the one point, that there are not only jealousies, but certain revolutions in princes' minds: so that it is a rare virtue in the rarest princes to continue constant to the end in their favours and employments. And knowing for the other point, that envy ever accompanieth great

lordship hath always marched a round and a real course in service; and as he hath not moved envy by pomp and ostentation, so hath he never extinguished it by any popular or insinuative carriage of himself; and this no doubt was his second drift.

It is good advice, in dealing with cautelous and malicious persons, whose speech is ever at distance with their meanings, "non quid dixerint, sed quo spectarint, videndum :" a man is not to regard what they affirm, or what they hold; but what they would convey under their pretended discovery, and what turn they would serve. It soundeth strangely in the ears of an Englishman, that the miseries of the present state of England exceed them of former times whatsoever. One would straightway think with himself, doth thisness, though never so well deserved: and that his man believe what he saith? Or, not believing it, doth he think it possible to make us believe it? Surely, in my conceit, neither of both; but his end, no doubt, was to round the pope and the King of Spain in the ear, by seeming to tell a tale to the people of England. For such books are ever wont to be translated into divers languages; and, no doubt, the man was not so simple as to think he could persuade the people of England the contrary of what they taste and feel. But he thought he might better abuse the states abroad, if he directed his speech to them who could best convict him, and disprove him if he said untrue; so that, as Livy saith in the like case, "Etolos magis, coram quibus verba facerent, quam ad quos, pensi habere;" That the Etolians, in their tale, did more respect those who did overhear them, than those to whom they directed their speech: so in this manner this fel

A third drift was, to assay if he could supplant and weaken, by this violent kind of libelling, and turning the whole imputation upon his lordship, his resolution and courage; and to make him proceed more cautelously, and not so thoroughly and strongly against them, knowing his lordship to be a politic man, and one that hath a great stake to lose.

Lastly, lest, while I discover the cunning and art of this fellow, I should make him wiser than he was, I think a great part of this book was passion; "difficile est tacere, cum doleas." The humours of these men being of themselves eager

and fierce, have, by the abort and blasting of their | barons' war, to reign with security and contentahopes, been blinded and enraged. And surely tion. King Henry I. also had unnatural wars this book is, of all that sort that have been written, of the meanest workmanship; being fraught ed with sundry base scoffs, and cold amplifications, and other characters of despite; but void of all judgment or ornament.

II. Of the present estate of this realm of England, whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or afflicted.

The benefits of almighty God upon this land, since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand, and placed in the kingdom, his servant our queen, Elizabeth, are such as, not in boasting, or in confidence of ourselves, but in praise of his holy name, are worthy to be both considered and confessed, yea, and registered in perpetual memory: notwithstanding, I mean not after the manner of a panegyric to extol the present time: it shall suffice only that those men, that through the gall and bitterness of their own heart have lost their taste and judgment, and would deprive God of his glory, and us of our senses, in affirming our condition to be miserable, and full of tokens of the wrath and indignation of God, be reproved.

If, then, it be true, that "nemo est miser, aut felix, nisi comparatus;" whether we shall, keeping ourselves within the compass of our own island, look into the memories of times past, or at this present time take a view of other states abroad in Europe, we shall find that we need not give place to the happiness either of ancestors or neighbours. For if a man weigh well all the parts of state and religion, laws, administration of justice, policy of government, manners, civility, learning and liberal sciences, industry and manual arts, arms and provisions of wars for sea and land, treasure, traffic, improvement of the soil, population, honour and reputation, it will appear that, taking one part with another, the state of this nation was never more flourishing.

with his brother Robert, wherein much nobility was consumed: he had therewithal tedious wars in Wales; and was not without some other seditions and troubles; as, namely, the great contestation of his prelates. King Henry II., his happiness was much deformed by the revolt of his son Henry, after he had associated him, and of his other sons. King Henry III., besides his continual wars in Wales, was, after forty-four years' reign, unquieted with intricate commotions of his barons; as may appear by the mad parliament held at Oxford, and the acts thereupon ensuing. His son Edward I. had a more flourishing time than any of the other; came to his kingdom at ripe years, and with great reputation, after his voyage into the Holy Land, and was much loved and obeyed, contrived his wars with great judgment; first having reclaimed Wales to a settled allegiance, and being upon the point of uniting Scotland. But yet I suppose it was more honour for her majesty to have so important a piece of Scotland in her hand, and the same with such justice to render up, than it was for that worthy king to have advanced in such forwardness the conquest of that nation. And for King Edward III., his reign was visited with much sickness and mortality, so as they reckoned in his days three several mortalities; one in the twenty-second year, another in the thirty-fifth year, and the last in the forty-third year of his reign; and being otherwise victorious and in prosperity, was by that only cross more afflicted, than he was by the other prosperities comforted. Besides, he entered hardly; and, again, according to the verse, “cedebant ultima primis," his latter times were not so prosperous. And for King Henry V., as his success was wonderful, so he wanted continuance; being extinguished after ten years' reign in the prime of his fortunes.

Now, for her majesty, we will first speak of the blessing of continuance, as that which wanted in the happiest of these kings; and is not only a great favour of God unto the prince, but also a singular benefit unto the people; for that sentence of the Scripture, "misera natio cum multi sunt

It is easy to call to remembrance, out of histories, the kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest happiness; besides her majesty's father and grandfather, that reigned in rare felicity, as is fresh in memory. They principes ejus," is interpreted not only to extend have been King Henry I., King Henry II., King Henry III., King Edward I., King Edward III., King Henry V. All which have been princes of royal virtue, great felicity, and famous memory. But it may be truly affirmed, without derogation to any of these worthy princes, that whatsoever we find in libels, there is not to be found in the English chronicles, a king that hath, in all respects laid together, reigned with such felicity as her majesty hath done. For as for the first three Henrys, the first came in too soon after a conquest; the second too soon after an usurpation; and the third too soon after a league, or

to divisions and distractions in government, but also to frequent changes in succession; considering, that the change of a prince bringeth in many charges, which are harsh and unpleasant to a great part of the subjects. It appeareth, then, that of the line of five hundred and fourscore years, and more, containing the number of twenty-two kings, God hath already prolonged her majesty's reign to exceed sixteen of the said two-and-twenty; and by the end of this present year, which God prosper, she shall attain to be equal with two more: during which time there have deceased four emperors, as many French kings; twice so

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