but in favor of principles and measures, which we think sound and salutary. The first is, promptly to extend toward the West, on every fitting occasion which presents itself, consistently with public and private duty, either in the course of legislation or the current of affairs, those good offices, which of right pertain to the relative condition of the two parts of the Country; to let the West know, by experience, both in the halls of Congress and the channels of commercial and social intercourse, that the East is truly, cordially, and effectively, her friend; not her rival nor enemy.

The kindly influence, thus produced, will prove of great power and value; and will go far to secure a return of fraternal feeling and political sympathy; but it will not, of itself, on great and trying occasions of a supposed diversity of sectional interest, always prove strong enough to maintain a harmony of councils. But we can do another thing, of vastly greater moment. We can put in motion a principle of influence, of a much higher and more generous character. We can furnish the means of building up institutions of education. We can, from our surplus, contribute toward the establishment and endowment of those seminaries, where the mind of the West shall be trained and enlightened. Yes, sir, we can do this; and it is so far optional with us, whether the power, to which we have subjected ourselves, shall be a power of intelligence or of ignorance; a reign of reflection and reason, or of reckless strength; a reign of darkness, or of light. This, sir, is true statesmanship; this is policy, of which Washington would not be ashamed. While the partisan of the day plumes himself upon a little worthless popularity, gained by bribing the interest of one quarter, and falling in with the prejudices of another; it is truly worthy of a patriot, by contributing toward the means of steadily, diffusively, and permanently, enlightening the public mind, as far as opportunity exists, in every part of the Country, to secure it in a wise and liberal course of public policy.

Let no Bostonian capitalist, then, let no man, who has a large stake in New England, and who is called upon to aid this Institution in the centre of Ohio, think that he is called upon to exercise his liberality at a distance, towards those in whom he has no concern.

Sir, it is his own interest, he is called upon to promote. It is not their work, he is called upon to do; it is his own work. It is my opinion, which, though it may sound extravagant, will, I believe, bear examination, that, if the question were propounded to us, this moment, whether it were most for the benefit of Massachusetts, to give fifty thousand dollars toward founding another college in Middlesex, Hampshire, or Berkshire, or for the support of this College in the Ohio, we should, if well advised, decide for the latter. We have Harvard, Amherst, Williams;—we do not want another college. In the West, is a vast and growing population, possessing a great and increasing influence in the political system of which we are members. Is it for our interest, strongly, vitally, for our interest, that this population should be intelligent, and well educated; or ignorant, and enslaved to all the prejudices which beset an ignorant people?

When, then, the Right Reverend Bishop, and the friends of the West, ask you, on this occasion, to help them, they ask you, in effect, to spare a part of your surplus means, for an object, in which, to say the least, you have a common interest with them. They ask you, to contribute to give security to your own property, by diffusing the means of light and truth throughout the region, where so much of the power to preserve or to shake it resides. They ask you, to contribute to perpetuate the Union, by training up a well-educated population, in the quarter which may hereafter be exposed to strong centrifugal influences. They ask you, to recruit your waning strength, in the National councils, by enlisting on your side their swelling numbers, reared in the discipline of sound learning and sober wisdom; so that, when your voice in the government shall become comparatively weak, instead of being drowned by a

strange and unfriendly clamor, from this mighty region, it may be reechoed, with increased strength and a sympathetic response, from the rising millions of the Northwestern States. Yes, sir, they do more. They ask you, to make yourselves rich, in their respect, good-will, and gratitude;-to make your name dear and venerable, in their distant shades. They ask you, to give their young men cause to love you, now, in the spring-time of life, before the heart is chilled and hardened; to make their old men, who, in the morning of their days, went out from your borders, lift up their hands for a blessing on you, and say, "Ah, this is the good oldfashioned liberality of the land where we were born!" Yes, sir, we shall raise an altar, in the remote wilderness. Our eyes will not behold the smoke of its incense, as it curls up to heaven. But there, the altar

will stand; there, the pure sacrifice of the spirit will be offered up; and the worshipper who comes, in all future time, to pay his devotions before it, will turn his face to the Eastward, and think of the land of his benefactors.

EDUCATION OF MANKIND.*

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN,-IT has given me peculiar satisfation, to obey your call, and appear before you, on this occasion. I take a sincere pleasure, as an affectionate and dutiful child of Harvard, and as an humble member of the branch of our fraternity, which is there established, in presenting myself, within the precincts of this ancient and, distinguished Seminary, for the discharge of the agreeable duty which you have assigned me. I rejoice in the confidence, which your invitation implies, that I know neither sect nor party, in the Republic of Letters; and that I enter your halls, with as much assurance of a kind reception, as I would those of my own revered and ever gracious Alma Mater. This confidence does me no more than justice. Ardently and gratefully attached to the Institution in which I received my education, I could in no way so effectually prove myself its degenerate child, as by harboring the slightest feeling of jealousy, at the expanded and growing reputation of this, its distinguished rival. In no way, could I so surely prove myself a tardy scholar of the School, in which I have been brought up, as by refusing to rejoice in the prosperity and usefulness of every sister institution, devoted to the same good cause; and especially, of this, the most eminent and efficient of her associates.

There are recollections of former times, well calculated to form a bond of good feeling between our Universities. We cannot forget, that, in the early days of Harvard, when its existence almost depended on the precarious contributions of its friends,-contributions, not of munificent affluence, but of pious poverty,—not poured into the academic coffers, in splendid donations,

* An Address delivered before the Phi Beta Kappa Society in Yale College, New Haven, Connecticut, August 20th, 1833.

but spared from the scanty means of an infant and destitute country, and presented, in their primitive form, a bushel of wheat, a cord of wood, and a string of Indian beads, (this last, not a little to the annoyance of good old President Dunster, who, as the records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies tell us, was sorely perplexed, in sifting out, from the mass of the genuine quahog and periwinkle, bits of blue glass and colored stones, feloniously intermixed, without the least respect for the purity of the Colony's wampum,*) we cannot forget, that, in that day of small things, the contributions of Connecticut and New Haven, as the two infant Colonies were distinguished,-flowed as liberally to the support of Cambridge, as those of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Still less would I forget, that, of the three first generations of the Fathers of Connecticut, those who were educated in America received their education at Cambridge; that the four first Presidents of Yale were graduates of Harvard; and that, of all your distinguished men, in church and state, for nearly a hundred years, a goodly proportion were fitted for usefulness in life within her venerable walls. If the success of the child be the joy of the parent, and the honor of the pupil be the crown of the master, with what honest satisfaction may not our institutions reflect, that they stood to each other in this interesting relation, in this early and critical state of the Country's growth, when the direction taken, and the character impress ed, were decisive of interminable consequences. And while we claim the right of boasting of your character and institutions, as, in some degree, the fruit of a good old Massachusetts influence, we hope you will not have cause to feel ashamed of the auspices, under which, to a certain extent, the foundation of those institutions was laid, and their early progress encouraged. In choosing a topic, on which to address you, this morning, I should feel a greater embarrassment than I

* Hazard's State Papers, Vol. II. page 124.