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some other business the secrets of his own inten. " tions. These be indeed the precious love tokens " between great Kings, to communicate one with $6 another the true state of their affairs, and to pass by “ nice points of honour, which ought not to give law “ unto affection. This I do assure your lordships ; “ it is not possible for you to imagine the true and “ cordial love that the King our master beareth to your sovereign, except you were near him as we

He useth his name with so great respect; he “ remembereth their first acquaintance at Paris with

so great contentment; nay, he never speaks of him, “ but that presently he falls into discourse of the miseries of great Kings, in that they cannot converse 6 with their equals, but with servants.

This affec « tion to your King's person and virtues God hath “ put into the heart of our master, no doubt for the “ good of Christendom, and for purposes yet unknown “ to us all. For other root it cannot have, since it " was the same to the earl of Richmond, that it is “ now to the King of England. This is therefore " the first motive that makes our King to desire peace " and league with your sovereign: good affection, “ and somewhat that he finds in his own heart. This * affection is also armed with reason of estate. For

our King doth in all candour and frankness of

dealing open himself unto you; that having an ho“ nourable, yea, and an holy purpose, to make a voy

age and war in remote parts, he considereth that " it will be of no small effect, in point of reputation “ to his enterprise, if it be known abroad that he is " in good peace with all his neighbour princes, and " especially with the King of England, whom for

good causes he esteemeth most.

“ But now, my lords, give me leave to use a few “ words to remove all scruples and misunderstandings “ between your sovereign and ours, concerning some “ late actions; which if they be not cleared, may per“ haps hinder this peace.

To the end that for mat“ ters past neither King may conceive unkindness of “ other, nor think the other conceiveth unkindness of “ him. The late actions are two; that of Britain,



* and that of Flanders. In both which it is true, that “ the subjects swords of both Kings have encountered

and stricken, and the ways and inclinations also of “ the two Kings, in respect of their confederates and

allies, have severed.

" For that of Britain, the King your sovereign " knoweth best what hath passed. It was a war of “ necessity on our master's part. And though the “ motives of it were sharp and piquant as could be,

yet did he make that war rather with an olive“ branch, than a laurel-branch in his hand, more de“ siring peace than victory. Besides, from time to “ time he sent, as it were, blank papers to your King, “ to write the conditions of peace. For though both “ his honour and safety went upon it, yet he thought * neither of them too precious to put into the King “ of England's hands. Neither doth our King on “ the other side make any unfriendly interpretation “ of your King's sending of succours to the duke of “ Britain ; for the King knoweth well that many " things must be done of Kings for satisfaction of " their people; and it is not hard to discern what is a King's own.

But this matter of Britain is now, by the act of God, ended and passed; and, as the King hopeth, like the way of a ship in the sea, without leaving any impression in either of the

King's minds; as he is sure for his part it hath not “ done in his.

« For the action of Flanders: as the former of Bri" tain was a war of necessity, so this was a war of “ justice; which with a good King is of equal neces

sity with danger of estate, for else he should leave “ to be a King. The subjects of Burgundy are sub

jeets in chief to the crown of France, and their duke “ the homager and vassal of France. They had wont " to be good subjects, howsoever Maximilian hath of " late distempered them. They fled to the King for

justice and deliverance from oppression. Justice he “ could not deny ; purchase he did not seek.

This was good for Maximilian, if he could have seen it “ in people mutinied, to arrest fury, and prevent de* spair, My, lords, it may be this I have said is need

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“ less, save that the King our master is tender in any,

thing, that may but glance upon the friendship of

England. The amity between the two Kings, no “ doubt, stands intire and inviolate: and that their “ subjects swords have clashed, it is nothing unto the " public peace of the crowns; it being a thing very “ usual in auxiliary forces of the best and straitest “ confederates to meet and draw blood in the field.

Nay many times there be aids of the same nation “ on both sides, and yet it is not, for all that, a king“dom divided in itself.

“ It resteth, my lords, that I impart unto you a “ matter, that I know your lordships all will much

rejoice to hear; as that which importeth the Chris“ tian common weal more, than any action that hath

happened of long time. The King our master bath a purpose and determination to make, war upon the

kingdom of Naples ; being now in the possession “ of a bastard slip of Arragon, but appertaining unto “ his Majesty by clear and undoubted right; which “ if he should not by just arms seek to recover, he “ could neither acquịt his honour nor answer i it to “ his people. But his noble and Christian thoughts “ rest not. here: for his resolution and hope is, to “ make the reconquest of Naples, but as a bridge to

transport his forces into Grecia ; and not to spare “ blood or treasure, if it were to the impawning of his

crown, and dispeopling of France, till either he “ hath overthrown the empire of the Ottomans, or ' “ taken it in his way to paradise. The King know“ 'eth well, that this is a design that could not arise in “ the mind of any King, that did not steadfastly look

up unto God, whose quarrel this is, and from whom 5 cometh both the will and the deed. But yet it is

agreeable to the person that he beareth, though un

worthy of the thrice Christian King and the eldest " son of the Church. Whereunto he is also invited by " the example, in moreancient time, of King Henry the “ fourth of England, the first renowned King of the “ House of Lancaster; ancestor, though not progenitor “ to your King; who had a purpose towards the end of “ his time, as you know better, to make an expedition


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“ into the Holy-land; and by the example also, pre“ sent before his eyes, of that honourable and religious

war which the King of Spain now maketh, and hath “ almost brought to perfection, for the recovery of the " realm of Granada from the Moors. And although " this enterprise may seem vast and unmeasured, for " the King to attempt that by his own forces, wherein “ heretofore a conjunction of most of the Christian “ Princes hath found work enough; yet his Majesty '" wisely considereth, that sometimes smaller forces " being united under one command, are more effectual “in proof, though not so promising in opinion and

fame, than much greater forces, variously com

pounded by associations and leagues, which com“ monly in a short time after their beginnings turn to “ dissociations and divisions. But, my Lords, that “ which is as a voice from heaven, that calleth the

King to this enterprise, is a rent at this time in the " house of the Ottomans. I do not say but there hath “ been brother against brother in that house before,.. “ but never any that had refuge to the arms of the “ Christians, as now hath Gemes, brother unto Ba

jazet that reigneth, the far braver man of the two, “ the other being between a monk and a philosopher, “ and better read in the Alcoran and Averroes, than " able to wield the sceptre of so warlike an empire. “ This therefore is the King our master's memorable " and heroical resolution for an holy war.

And be“ cause he carrieth in this the person of a Christian "soldier, as well as of a great temporal monarch, he

beginneth with humility, and is content for this cause to beg peace at the hands of other Christian Kings. There remaineth only rather a civil request than

any essential part of our negotiation, which the King maketh to the King your sovereign. The

King, as all the world knoweth, is lord in chief of " the duchy of Britain. The marriage of the heir be

longeth to him as guardian. This is a private pa“ trimonial right, and no business of estate: yet never" theless, to run a fair course with your King, whom "he desires to make another himself, and to be one “ and the same thing with him, his request is, that


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“ with the King's favour and consent he may dispose “ of her in marriage, as he thinketh good, and make “ void the intruded and prétended marriage of Maxi“ milian, according to justice. This, my lords, is all “ that I have to say, desiring your pardon for my “ weakness in the delivery.”

Thus did the French ambassadors with great shew of their King's affection, and many sugared words, seek to addulce all matters between the two Kings, having two things for their ends; the one to keep the King quiet till the marriage of Britain was past; and this was but a summer fruit, which they thought was almost ripe, and would be soon gathered. The other was more lasting; and that was to put him into such à temper, as he might be no disturbance or impediment to the voyage for Italy. The lords of the council were silent; and said only, “ That they knew the ambas* sadors would look for no answer, till they had ré

ported to the King ;” and so they rose from council. The King could not well tell what to think of the marriage of Britain. He saw plainly the ambition of the French King was to impatronise himself of the duchy ; but he wondered he would bring into his house a litigious marriage, especially considering who was his successor. But weighing one thing with another he gave Britain for lost; but resolved to make his profit of this business of Britain, as a quarrel for war; and that of Naples, as a wrench and mean for peace; being well advertised, how strongly the King was bent upon that action. Having therefore conferred divers times with his council, and keeping himself somewhat close, he gave a direction to the chancellor, for å formal answer to the ambassadors, and that he did in the presence of his council. And after calling the chancellor to him apart, bad him speak in such language, as was fit for a treaty that was to end in a breach ; and gave him also a special caveat, that he should not use any words to discourage the voyage of Italy. Soon after the ambassadors were sent for to the council, and the lord chancellor spake to them in this sort :

“ My lords ambassadors, I shall make answer, by “ the King's commandment, unto the eloquent de

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